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bain_y_howells__monetary_economics__policy_and_its_theoretical_basis

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THE MONEY SUPPLY PROCESS 69<br />

ence of asymmetric information. It is argued that borrowers have a much<br />

better idea about the risks attached to the projects for which they take out<br />

loans than do the providers of the loans. It is very difficult for banks to<br />

assess the creditworthiness of borrowers <strong>and</strong> their projects, this gives rise to<br />

moral hazard <strong>and</strong> adverse selection problems. The borrower characteristics<br />

that banks might use in the screening are discussed in Lel<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Pyle<br />

(1977) <strong>and</strong> Diamond (1984) but the important point from the FoF perspective<br />

is that variations in the flow of lending are partly the outcome of banks’<br />

lending decisions (Stiglitz <strong>and</strong> Weiss, 1981) <strong>and</strong> while this is the case there<br />

is little point in focusing upon changes in the availability of reserves.<br />

The final <strong>and</strong> by far the most powerful reason for the widespread adoption<br />

of the FoF framework is that it is easier to apply to the way in which<br />

the UK authorities have, in practice, tried to influence <strong>monetary</strong> conditions.<br />

The FoF approach gives a central role to flows of new bank lending <strong>and</strong> it<br />

is the flow of bank credit that the UK authorities have focused on, albeit in<br />

differing ways, since 1945. Up until 1971, this control consisted of an<br />

evolving collection of direct interventions — ‘moral suasion’ imposed on<br />

banks to discriminate by type of borrower, then by specifying minimum<br />

depos<strong>its</strong> <strong>and</strong> maximum payback periods for consumer loans. The first of<br />

these was a supply-side constraint but the latter were intended to work on<br />

the dem<strong>and</strong> for loans as potential borrowers ruled themselves in or out<br />

depending upon the severity of the conditions.<br />

In 1971 the Competition <strong>and</strong> Credit Control arrangements swept away<br />

all direct controls <strong>and</strong> stated the intention of relying upon variations in the<br />

price of credit, the short term rate of interest, to regulate the dem<strong>and</strong> for<br />

credit. In the inflationary years of the 1970s, the authorities had occasional<br />

failures of nerve when it was clear that interest rates needed to be held in<br />

double figures, <strong>and</strong> there were occasional outbursts of direct control in the<br />

form of supplementary special depos<strong>its</strong> (a reversion to supply-side control).<br />

But in 1981, market methods were restored <strong>and</strong> the last twenty years have<br />

seen a steady convergence in central bank operating procedures towards<br />

adjustment of short-term interest rates (Borio, 1997). The short-term rate<br />

over which central banks have direct control is the lender of last resort or<br />

rediscount rate which we have already met as i d in 3.10. But in the B-M<br />

approach the purpose of raising (for example) i d would be explained as an<br />

attempt to increase the reserve ratio <strong>and</strong> reduce the size of the multiplier. In<br />

practice, raising i d is assumed to cause banks to raise their lending <strong>and</strong> borrowing<br />

rates <strong>and</strong> thus to reduce the dem<strong>and</strong> for net new bank lending <strong>and</strong><br />

thus to slow the creation of new depos<strong>its</strong>. The quantity of reserves <strong>and</strong> the<br />

resulting size of reserve ratios has nothing to do with it. In spite of the occa-

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