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344 MONETARY ECONOMICS<br />

it inflation target. Instead of adopting an intermediate target in the hope that<br />

it had some reliable connection with the ultimate objective of <strong>policy</strong>, the ultimate<br />

objective <strong>its</strong>elf would be directly targeted. Interest rates were now set<br />

with a view to their effects upon inflation some eighteen months ahead. One<br />

way of interpreting inflation targeting is to see it as an encompassing case of<br />

<strong>monetary</strong> targeting or exchange rate targeting. In the latter cases, the authorities<br />

are setting interest rates with a view to achieving a low inflation rate,<br />

using just one source of information (<strong>monetary</strong> growth, exchange rate etc.)<br />

disregarding all else. 16 In an inflation targeting regime, interest rates are still<br />

set with the same objective but the decision draws upon all relevant variables.<br />

These include money <strong>and</strong> credit growth, the exchange rate, wage trends, asset<br />

prices, employment figures, the ‘output-gap’, surveys of ‘confidence’ etc. <strong>and</strong><br />

may change over time. 16<br />

The second feature was a much greater degree of openness <strong>and</strong> transparency<br />

in <strong>policy</strong> making. By the time the Bank of Engl<strong>and</strong> gained <strong>its</strong> instrument<br />

independence in 1997, this contained five elements. Firstly, a quarterly<br />

Inflation Report would be published showing the information on which the<br />

Bank was making <strong>its</strong> interest rate decisions. Secondly, the minutes of the<br />

meetings between the Governor of the Bank of Engl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> the Chancellor of<br />

the Exchequer at which interest rates were set were also published. After<br />

1997, when the Bank of Engl<strong>and</strong> was given independence in the setting of<br />

interest rates, the latter was replaced by the minutes of the <strong>monetary</strong> <strong>policy</strong><br />

committee (MPC) which again gave commentators some insight into how<br />

decisions were arrived at <strong>and</strong> also revealed the pattern of voting. Thirdly, representatives<br />

of the Bank <strong>and</strong> the MPC could be called to give evidence on<br />

their conduct to the Treasury Select Committee. Fourthly, if inflation were<br />

to deviate by more than one per cent from target, then the MPC would be<br />

required to write an ‘open letter’ to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in order<br />

to explain the horizon over which it intended to bring it back into the target<br />

range (in effect, making explicit the <strong>policy</strong> reaction function). Finally, the<br />

Bank of Engl<strong>and</strong>’s Annual Report would be subject to parliamentary scrutiny<br />

<strong>and</strong> debate. The argument behind this openness was that, over time, private<br />

sector agents would ‘learn’ how the MPC decided on the appropriate interest<br />

rate <strong>and</strong> would eventually be able to anticipate the Bank’s next decision.<br />

Eventually, changes in interest rates would cease to be ‘news’ since, by the<br />

time they were announced, they would already be incorporated in private sector<br />

decisions. The economic advantage of this, rather like the advantage of<br />

low <strong>and</strong> stable inflation rates, is that another source of ‘shocks’ to the economy<br />

would be eliminated <strong>and</strong> fewer incorrect decisions would be made by private<br />

sector agents. It is worth noting that the lack of comparable openness has

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