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Sanctioning Apartheid - KORA

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342 Sancfioning <strong>Apartheid</strong><br />

sustained in a clash with RLDF members, and the angry response<br />

in the government paper Lesoth Today (7 April 1988) to the<br />

allegations about his death in the Johannesbwg Weekly Mail (25<br />

March 1988), is perhaps the most disturbing incident. The Lesotho<br />

Today editorial makes clear that although the government of<br />

Lesotho's policy is "to give refuge to genuine political refugees<br />

as a signatory of the UN convention on refugees," in its view all<br />

"refugees" must report themselves to the "refemnt authorities"<br />

on arrival, and may not carry firearms without an official<br />

government license (which clearly will not be issued to South<br />

African refugees). To quote the editorial, Zesotho has neither<br />

the wish nor the power to keep refugees whose intention is to<br />

use Lesotho as a launching pad for attacks on other countries."<br />

The inclusion of "nor the pow& in this sentence is of some<br />

interest, suggesting that armed ANC rnernben in Lesotho are<br />

vulnerable to South African actions.<br />

Although the Lesotho govenunent is very far from a<br />

homogeneous entity, with the Council of Ministers encompassing<br />

both relatively politically neutral technocrats and persons of clear<br />

political identification ranging all the way across the Lesotho<br />

political spectrum from highly "right wing" former ministers of<br />

Jonathan (e-g., E. R Sekhonyana, Minister of Finance) to 'left<br />

wing" graduates of Moscow State University (e.g., Michael W,<br />

ironically Minister of Planning and Economic Affairs), it is clear<br />

that on important matters of policy it is the Military Council,<br />

consisting of five career military officers, that has the final say on<br />

policy. However, it is also widely believed in Lesotho that the<br />

members of the Military Council are themselves not wholly in<br />

agreement on the appropriate political strategies to adopt toward<br />

South A&ica and domestic constitutional arrangements. Some<br />

sources allege that the King, in alliance with his cousins, the<br />

Lieutenant-Colonels Letsie, wishes to retain the current system<br />

that gives him substantiat power, whereas Lekhanya and others<br />

would like a return to some form of democracy, and that South<br />

Africa sides with Lekhanya because of a desire for democratic<br />

legitimacy to its agreements concerning the Highlands Water<br />

Sch~ne.~ However, when it comes to economic relations with the<br />

Republic, and the desirability of Highlands Water, there does not<br />

appear to be much disagreement, and this suggestion has a

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