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The evolution of professionalism - Centre for Policy Studies in ...

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Canada, 2003). Teachers’ salaries, which account <strong>for</strong> more than 70 percent <strong>of</strong><br />

school boards’ operat<strong>in</strong>g expenses, <strong>in</strong>creased by less than 1 percent per year from<br />

1994 to 1998 but rose by an average <strong>of</strong> 2.5 percent per year between 1999 and<br />

2001. <strong>The</strong> smallest <strong>in</strong>creases occurred <strong>in</strong> Ontario, Newfoundland and Labrador,<br />

and Nova Scotia, while the largest <strong>in</strong>creases were <strong>in</strong> Saskatchewan, Québec, and<br />

Alberta (Statistics Canada, op. cit.). Dur<strong>in</strong>g the period 1992 to 2001, the non-salary<br />

component <strong>of</strong> EPI saw twice the growth <strong>of</strong> the salary component.<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce 2000, changes <strong>in</strong> the political climate have seen signifi cant attempts to<br />

reverse restra<strong>in</strong>t-lead fi scal policies. <strong>The</strong> Manitoba NDP government <strong>in</strong>troduced a<br />

new model <strong>for</strong> fund<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> schools <strong>in</strong> 2002, which provided a simplifi ed and more<br />

transparent calculation <strong>for</strong> <strong>in</strong>structional support, and a more targeted approach<br />

aim<strong>in</strong>g at the equitable distribution <strong>of</strong> prov<strong>in</strong>cial fund<strong>in</strong>g. Rather than emphasize<br />

that each school district receive the exact same fund<strong>in</strong>g per student, which has been<br />

the guid<strong>in</strong>g pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>in</strong> the fund<strong>in</strong>g <strong>for</strong>mulas <strong>of</strong> Alberta, Ontario, Nova Scotia,<br />

and British Columbia, Manitoba’s NDP government recognized that equal fund<strong>in</strong>g<br />

implies unequal support based on the local conditions and student population.<br />

Similarly, the election <strong>of</strong> a Liberal government <strong>in</strong> Ontario has marked a shift toward<br />

the political centre with respect to fi scal policy. Most surpris<strong>in</strong>gly, follow<strong>in</strong>g their<br />

re-elections, the Kle<strong>in</strong> Conservatives <strong>in</strong> Alberta and the Campbell Liberals <strong>in</strong> BC<br />

have almost completely reversed the restra<strong>in</strong>t fund<strong>in</strong>g policy that characterized<br />

their earlier approach to education.<br />

Accountability<br />

In the last decade and a half, accountability has come to dom<strong>in</strong>ate the educational<br />

policy discourse <strong>in</strong> Canada and pervade the majority <strong>of</strong> government documents<br />

and policies. Subsumed under the accountability umbrella there are references<br />

to outcomes-based education, standardized test<strong>in</strong>g and community/parental<br />

<strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> education. Closely related to notions <strong>of</strong> accountability are references<br />

to teachers’ pr<strong>of</strong>essionalism and the accountability/report<strong>in</strong>g process <strong>of</strong> teachers and<br />

school adm<strong>in</strong>istrators. Regulation is a key concept as governments attempt to make<br />

transparent their control, direct or <strong>in</strong>direct, over education systems. In this sense,<br />

accountability overlaps with governance and the tension between vertical logic<br />

(centralization, top-down decision-mak<strong>in</strong>g) and horizontal logic (decentralization,<br />

bottom-up decision-mak<strong>in</strong>g), as outl<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> Chapter Six on Québec.<br />

<strong>The</strong> emphasis on accountability should be seen as part <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g<br />

dom<strong>in</strong>ance <strong>of</strong> a political-economic imperative <strong>in</strong> the <strong>for</strong>mation <strong>of</strong> government<br />

policy. <strong>The</strong> power <strong>of</strong> the market and the concomitant emphasis on competition<br />

appears to cut across the ideological l<strong>in</strong>es separat<strong>in</strong>g political parties. However,<br />

while prov<strong>in</strong>cial governments across Canada have made accountability a priority<br />

regardless <strong>of</strong> their political party affi liation, we note qualitative differences<br />

depend<strong>in</strong>g on political ideology. So, <strong>for</strong> example, the 1990s marked two dist<strong>in</strong>ct<br />

approaches to policy <strong>in</strong> Manitoba. Gary Filmon’s Progressive Conservatives<br />

embarked on a prescriptive course <strong>of</strong> action, and while the policies <strong>of</strong> the New<br />

Democratic Party were not all that dissimilar from those <strong>of</strong> their predecessor, their<br />

endorsement <strong>of</strong> the accountability movement was “k<strong>in</strong>der and gentler.” A similar<br />

Chapter 12: Conclusion 221

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