The evolution of professionalism - Centre for Policy Studies in ...

Act was proclaimed in 1989, and this legislation required that all independent
schools must satisfy specifi c basic requirements and obtain a Certifi cate of Group
Classifi cation. The act expanded the number of group classifi cations to fi ve (from
two), and then reduced the number to four, in 1993. Additional provincial services
were given to independent schools and an increased level of funding was provided
for some schools. At the same time, home schooling was recognized as a statutory
right for parents. Professionalism has also been redefi ned by the continuing
expansion of the role of teachers to include more non-pedagogical tasks. Teachers
are expected to raise funds, organize and manage volunteers, and even fulfi ll the
duties of a clerk.
Accountability in the education system has become a dominant theme since
the 1970s (Savage, 1988) and it re-emerged prominently as it was articulated in the
Royal Commission Report. Accountability has been taken to mean the assurance
of particular outcomes. However, these outcomes are located within an ideology of
what education is intended to achieve (e.g., skills and/or knowledge). Over time,
accountability has shifted from commitment to students and communities, to the
management of evaluation and the basis for continued (or discontinued) funding.
The emphasis on accountability must be seen as part of the increasing dominance
of a political-economic imperative in the formation of government policy. This
imperative appears to cut across ideological lines separating political parties,
although we would expect parties that espouse New Right philosophies to be more
forthright in promoting these goals.
School accreditation was an accountability measure introduced in 1994. The
creation of school planning councils and the policy on streaming are part of this
trend. Accountability contracts are now in effect (2002) between the Ministry
and school boards. These contracts use student achievement as the key outcome
measure. Accountability contracts are not legal contracts, but they have a potentially
powerful infl uence over the success measurements of each school district. Goals
are identifi ed and it is expected that specifi c outcomes are achieved.
Both accreditation and accountability contracts have been contentious with
the BCTF. Questions remain about what the standards are, and what methods are
used to measure achievement. A fundamental disagreement exists between the
BCTF’s view of accountability as “appropriateness and validity of the learning
processes” (BCTF, 1997), and the Ministry’s reliance on measurable outcomes
and standardized tests for students. Further, the Service Plan makes it clear that
accountability also involves school boards becoming more entrepreneurial and
more active in educational markets.
Linked to accountability is the changing nature of governance. Since 1996,
the number of school boards has been reduced by 20 per cent. At the same time,
governance structures have emerged at the school level (e.g., school planning
councils), and at the BC College of Teachers (e.g., role and standards). Parents
have been given a larger role as stakeholders as well as a group with legitimate
expertise and concerns.
Finally, the policy that has arguably had the most impact on school agents is
class size regulation (2002). In one single stroke the provincial government reduced
to zero the demand for teachers. In the years 1999-2000, 2000-01, and 2001-02,
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