journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
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26<br />
Klaus Larres<br />
no possibility <strong>of</strong> entering into negotiations with the Kremlin. Such talks required a<br />
more pleasant atmosphere and above all “a<strong>de</strong>quate preparations”. 60 Even Anthony<br />
E<strong>de</strong>n was highly sceptical <strong>of</strong> Churchill’s i<strong>de</strong>as. E<strong>de</strong>n and US Secretary <strong>of</strong> State<br />
Acheson agreed that, at some time in the future, negotiations with the Soviet Union<br />
would be necessary. However, contrary to Churchill’s opinion, they did not believe<br />
that time was working against the West – quite the contrary. 61 However, to Churchill<br />
his twin-track strategy <strong>of</strong> western unity and rearmament and the more or less<br />
simultaneous pursuit <strong>of</strong> genuine negotiations was still the only feasible policy<br />
which would prevent another world war.<br />
Churchill’s repeated calls for European unity, and even for the creation <strong>of</strong> a<br />
United States <strong>of</strong> Europe between 1945 and 1951 as lea<strong>de</strong>r <strong>of</strong> the opposition, must<br />
be seen as part <strong>of</strong> his strategy to impress upon Stalin the coherence, strength and<br />
resolution <strong>of</strong> the western world led by the Anglo-American “fraternal association”.<br />
62 Other factors like a Franco-German rapprochement, German re-<strong>integration</strong><br />
into the civilized world, the <strong>de</strong>velopment <strong>of</strong> economic stability in Europe, and a<br />
certain willingness to bow to American pressure in the European question were<br />
also important consi<strong>de</strong>rations which led to his calls for a united Europe. 63 However,<br />
Churchill’s grand <strong>de</strong>sign for the post-war world consisted <strong>of</strong> arriving at an<br />
amicable settlement with the Soviet Union by means <strong>of</strong> “negotiations from<br />
strength”. His calls for European unity were part and parcel <strong>of</strong> that scenario; they<br />
ought not to be regar<strong>de</strong>d as separate from that <strong>de</strong>sign. It is clear that European <strong>integration</strong><br />
for its own sake was not one <strong>of</strong> his prime objectives. His “ultimate aim”<br />
was the end <strong>of</strong> the Cold War and with it “the unity and freedom <strong>of</strong> the whole <strong>of</strong><br />
Europe”. 64<br />
The issues which appeared to be most pressing to him (good relations with<br />
Moscow; Anglo-American relations; European unity without full British participation),<br />
all ma<strong>de</strong> an appearance in one <strong>of</strong> his most famous speeches ever – his address<br />
at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, on 5 March 1946. The Fulton speech in<br />
fact outlined Churchill’s grand strategy for the post-war world by calling for both<br />
an international settlement and a policy <strong>of</strong> strength while emphasizing the enduring<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> the British Empire and Commonwealth.<br />
This speech attracted particular attention because <strong>of</strong> its at first sight violent anti-<br />
Russian tone, which elevated Churchill almost overnight to the Cold Warrior par<br />
excellence. Churchill used the address to warn the world with his forceful rhetoric<br />
<strong>of</strong> Stalin’s aggressive intentions and the ever encroaching expansionist ambitions<br />
60. “Foreign Affairs” speech, H.C. Deb., 5th series, Vol.473, 28 March 1950, col.209.<br />
61. See EDEN, “Foreign Affairs” speech, ibid., 28 March 1950, col.317-18; BELL, Negotiation, p.24.<br />
62. See LARRES, Politik <strong>de</strong>r Illusionen, pp.40-62; also Churchill’s speech at the Albert Hall, London,<br />
14 May 1947, when he atten<strong>de</strong>d a “United Europe Meeting”, in R. S. CHURCHILL (ed.), Europe<br />
Unite, pp.83-85: “The whole purpose <strong>of</strong> a united <strong>de</strong>mocratic Europe is to give <strong>de</strong>cisive guarantees<br />
against aggression” (p.83).<br />
63. See for example Churchill’s speech to the Congress <strong>of</strong> Europe in The Hague, 7 May 1948, in R. S.<br />
CHURCHILL (ed.), ibid., pp.310-17.<br />
64. Churchill, speech to the Council <strong>of</strong> the European Movement, Brussels, 26 Feb. 1949, in R. S.<br />
CHURCHILL (ed.), In the Balance, p.29.