journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
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Introductory note – Introduction – Einführung 5<br />
Introductory Note<br />
Klaus Schwabe<br />
The third issue <strong>of</strong> this <strong>journal</strong> is <strong>de</strong>voted to the impact <strong>of</strong> the Cold War on the process<br />
<strong>of</strong> European <strong>integration</strong>, as seen from the perspective <strong>of</strong> the four major powers<br />
– the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain and France. All shared primary<br />
responsibility for the shaping <strong>of</strong> the <strong>de</strong>stiny <strong>of</strong> Europe in general and <strong>of</strong> Germany’s<br />
future in particular. In the light <strong>of</strong> the recent radical shift in international power, the<br />
Cold War may appear to have lost most <strong>of</strong> its contemporary political significance –<br />
to have become mere <strong>history</strong>. But inspite <strong>of</strong> this appearance a more comprehensive<br />
un<strong>de</strong>rstanding <strong>of</strong> the Cold War period retains a particular relevance at a time, when<br />
substantial <strong>de</strong>cisions on the course <strong>of</strong> European <strong>integration</strong> are pending. Maastricht<br />
II will have to <strong>de</strong>ci<strong>de</strong> whether or not the expansion <strong>of</strong> the European Union, wi<strong>de</strong>ly<br />
supported, as it is, will be accompanied by a tightening and <strong>de</strong>epening <strong>of</strong> its organizational<br />
structure – a process <strong>of</strong> tightening, in which the introduction <strong>of</strong> a common<br />
European currency will be but one important element.<br />
Whatever direction these <strong>de</strong>velopments may take, they will be initiated and<br />
implemented in an international setting that differs drastically from the scenario<br />
that prevailed for more than four <strong>de</strong>ca<strong>de</strong>s from 1945 until the coming down <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Berlin wall. During the Cold War the communist threat provi<strong>de</strong>d a stimulus for<br />
European <strong>integration</strong>. As this threat is now a thing <strong>of</strong> the past, the crucial question<br />
as regards the future <strong>of</strong> our continent is whether European <strong>integration</strong> will retain its<br />
momentum, although one <strong>of</strong> its incentives, the Cold War and the way it was experienced<br />
until 1989, has ceased to be a factor in international relations.<br />
A more <strong>de</strong>tailed and nuanced un<strong>de</strong>rstanding <strong>of</strong> the <strong>history</strong> <strong>of</strong> European <strong>integration</strong><br />
during the Cold War era, therefore, may <strong>of</strong>fer some ‘guidance’ for present-day<br />
political lea<strong>de</strong>rs: One can argue that, if the Cold War, as an oversimplified popular<br />
view tends to believe, was in<strong>de</strong>ed the sole motivating force behind the drive for<br />
integrating Europe, chances for advancing that process at present are slim. If, on<br />
the other hand, historiography can provi<strong>de</strong> evi<strong>de</strong>nce for the impact <strong>of</strong> other forces,<br />
unrelated to the Cold War, that encouraged European <strong>integration</strong> – forces that have<br />
preserved their vitality beyond the collapse <strong>of</strong> the Soviet block –, then the outlook<br />
for progress in the construction <strong>of</strong> genuine European Union is much more solidly<br />
rooted, and the ultimate goal <strong>of</strong> a <strong>de</strong>mocratically based political union <strong>of</strong> Europe<br />
may be more than a chimera.<br />
It has become a truism to single out the Cold War as the most potent force that<br />
triggered the efforts to achieve a union <strong>of</strong> those European nations that had not been<br />
subjected to Soviet control after the surren<strong>de</strong>r <strong>of</strong> Nazi Germany. Would there have<br />
been an American interest in the stabilization <strong>of</strong> free Europe, if the West had not<br />
clashed with the USSR over the control <strong>of</strong> the Eastern Mediterranean? Would there<br />
have been a Marshall Plan if the victorious powers had not proved unable to agree<br />
on the future <strong>of</strong> Germany at the Moscow Conference in March 1947 and, thereby,<br />
had left in the heart <strong>of</strong> Europe an economic and political vacuum which seemed to