journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
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54<br />
Ronald W. Pruessen<br />
mountainous war <strong>de</strong>bt.” 7 The Joint Chiefs <strong>of</strong> Staff, alternatively, focused on strategic<br />
implications. An April 1947 study surveying troubled global horizons took as<br />
its premise that the Soviet Union had become a “new eastern menace” whose “ultimate<br />
aim is world conquest (...).” Un<strong>de</strong>r such circumstances, “the entire area <strong>of</strong><br />
western Europe is in first place as an area <strong>of</strong> strategic importance to the United<br />
States (...).” It was difficult to imagine, for example, “how Canada or the United<br />
States could live safely if France and/or Great Britain were un<strong>de</strong>r Soviet domination<br />
either by reason <strong>of</strong> military conquest or for the reason that communists had<br />
taken over control <strong>of</strong> their governments.” 8<br />
There was a second early Cold War calculation which also paved the way to<br />
eventual US interest in EDC: If a troubled and threatened Europe was <strong>of</strong> fundamental<br />
significance to the United States, then a troubled and threatened Germany<br />
was <strong>of</strong> fundamental significance to Europe. “Whoever <strong>de</strong>als with Germany <strong>de</strong>als<br />
with the central problem <strong>of</strong> Europe,” John Foster Dulles <strong>de</strong>clared in early 1947,<br />
shortly before serving as one <strong>of</strong> George Marshall’s advisers at the Moscow session<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Council <strong>of</strong> Foreign Ministers. 9 General agreement with this proposition led<br />
policy makers to the conclusion that harshly punitive treatment <strong>of</strong> the <strong>de</strong>feated<br />
enemy should give way to rehabilitation and re<strong>integration</strong>. “Are we going to try to<br />
keep Germany a running boil with the pus exuding over the rest <strong>of</strong> Europe,” Secretary<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Navy James Forrestal asked in March 1947, “or are you going to try to<br />
bring it back into inner society?” “We can keep Germany in these economic<br />
chains,” agreed former presi<strong>de</strong>nt Herbert Hoover, “but it will also keep Europe in<br />
rags.” 10 The Joint Chiefs <strong>of</strong> Staff, as early as April 1947, ad<strong>de</strong>d an emphasis on the<br />
military significance <strong>of</strong> German revival:<br />
“Without German aid the remaining countries <strong>of</strong> western Europe could scarcely be<br />
expected to withstand the armies <strong>of</strong> our i<strong>de</strong>ological opponents until the United States<br />
could mobilize (...) Further, the complete resurgence <strong>of</strong> German industry (...) is<br />
essential for the economic recovery <strong>of</strong> France – whose security is essential for the<br />
combined security <strong>of</strong> the United States, Canada, and Great Britain.” 11<br />
An analysis emphasizing dramatic needs and perils generated dramatic policy<br />
initiatives, <strong>of</strong> course. Was a weakened Europe endangered by either direct Soviet<br />
expansionism or communist subversion? Then strengthen Europe with the Marshall<br />
Plan’s economic transfusions and the psychological reassurances <strong>of</strong> the North<br />
Atlantic Treaty Organization. Would German rehabilitation and security speed up<br />
the overall process <strong>of</strong> continental recovery? Then modify the harshness <strong>of</strong> initial<br />
occupation procedures, work toward the efficiency <strong>of</strong> <strong>integration</strong> among at least<br />
three <strong>of</strong> the occupation zones, and arrange for a meaty share <strong>of</strong> European Recovery<br />
7. J. DOBNEY, ed., Selected Papers <strong>of</strong> Will Clayton, Baltimore 1971, 198-201.<br />
8. FRUS, 1947, I, 740-741.<br />
9. J. F. DULLES, “A New Year’s Resolve,” January 17, 1947 address, John Foster Dulles Papers, Princeton<br />
University. (The John Foster Dulles Papers will hereafter be i<strong>de</strong>ntified as DP.)<br />
10. Quoted in T. G. PATERSON, Soviet-American Confrontation: Postwar Reconstruction and the Origins<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Cold War, Baltimore 1973, 234, 244.<br />
11. FRUS, 1947: I, 740.