The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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<strong>The</strong> most interesting [aspect], however, may well be the report of the <strong>Jewish</strong> opposition<br />
to the two Hasmonean brothers. <strong>The</strong> Jews make an accusation against Hyrcanus as well as<br />
against Aristobulus; they also claim against the former that he has disregarded the laws of the<br />
fathers and intended to enslave the people by force. <strong>The</strong>refore Hyrcanus surely did not appear<br />
as a weakly figure to them either. In Diodorus, the accusers contrast the situation in the past,<br />
when the high priest led a free people, to the present where the rulers dominate an enslaved<br />
people by means of mercenary troops. And Strabo (in <strong>Josephus</strong> 41) has repeated this<br />
information from <strong>The</strong>ophanes even more pointedly when he blames Hyrcanus and Aristobulus<br />
exclusively for a state of affairs that they found and did not, of course, amend. Surely this<br />
much is correct, [namely] that after the very weak rule of Alexandra, Hyrcanus would have<br />
inevitably made a move to seize the rulership, and it is understandable that the <strong>Jewish</strong> nobility<br />
took the opportunity [so] offered in order to make an attempt once again to shake off the yoke<br />
that was upon them. Thus, from all aspects <strong>The</strong>ophanes’ report really evinces the credibility<br />
that we are to expect from this politician and writer who was active in an outstanding position<br />
and who perhaps also participated in these very proceedings.<br />
[155] In this section, therefore, the Antiquities provides us with truly significant new material<br />
in comparison to the War, but – and this is the crucial [point] for our general query – this<br />
material does not stem from the accepted common source of the War and the Antiquities, but<br />
rather from an additional source [Nebenquelle], which <strong>Josephus</strong> had then combined with<br />
the material from the War, and in doing so he took his new view of matters into account<br />
in [his portrayal of] the details. This combination of the War with Strabo must still be<br />
examined briefly; because we are now in a position to resolve the chronological confusion in<br />
<strong>Josephus</strong>’ presentation, which has already frequently been observed. <strong>The</strong> War stated the route<br />
very briefly: Syria - Damascus - Dium (131, 132). Strabo indicated the route more precisely:<br />
Apamea on the Orontes [river], Lysias, Heliopolis, Chalcis (all these are sites in Syria), then he<br />
crossed over the mountains and reached Damascus in Colesyria (Ant. 38 - 40). Both reports<br />
therefore coincide with each other (cf. Ant. 14.104), only Nicolaus conveys it more tersely. In<br />
the Antiquities, however, <strong>Josephus</strong> at first follows Nicolaus-War and as a result brings Pompey<br />
to Damascus; but since Strabo reported that Pompey moved to Damascus from the winter<br />
quarters (38), Pompey then had to be brought out of Damascus again. <strong>Josephus</strong> accomplished<br />
this purpose by switching [the order] Syria-Damascus, which is the view in the War. Pompey<br />
136