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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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<strong>The</strong> most interesting [aspect], however, may well be the report of the <strong>Jewish</strong> opposition<br />

to the two Hasmonean brothers. <strong>The</strong> Jews make an accusation against Hyrcanus as well as<br />

against Aristobulus; they also claim against the former that he has disregarded the laws of the<br />

fathers and intended to enslave the people by force. <strong>The</strong>refore Hyrcanus surely did not appear<br />

as a weakly figure to them either. In Diodorus, the accusers contrast the situation in the past,<br />

when the high priest led a free people, to the present where the rulers dominate an enslaved<br />

people by means of mercenary troops. And Strabo (in <strong>Josephus</strong> 41) has repeated this<br />

information from <strong>The</strong>ophanes even more pointedly when he blames Hyrcanus and Aristobulus<br />

exclusively for a state of affairs that they found and did not, of course, amend. Surely this<br />

much is correct, [namely] that after the very weak rule of Alexandra, Hyrcanus would have<br />

inevitably made a move to seize the rulership, and it is understandable that the <strong>Jewish</strong> nobility<br />

took the opportunity [so] offered in order to make an attempt once again to shake off the yoke<br />

that was upon them. Thus, from all aspects <strong>The</strong>ophanes’ report really evinces the credibility<br />

that we are to expect from this politician and writer who was active in an outstanding position<br />

and who perhaps also participated in these very proceedings.<br />

[155] In this section, therefore, the Antiquities provides us with truly significant new material<br />

in comparison to the War, but – and this is the crucial [point] for our general query – this<br />

material does not stem from the accepted common source of the War and the Antiquities, but<br />

rather from an additional source [Nebenquelle], which <strong>Josephus</strong> had then combined with<br />

the material from the War, and in doing so he took his new view of matters into account<br />

in [his portrayal of] the details. This combination of the War with Strabo must still be<br />

examined briefly; because we are now in a position to resolve the chronological confusion in<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong>’ presentation, which has already frequently been observed. <strong>The</strong> War stated the route<br />

very briefly: Syria - Damascus - Dium (131, 132). Strabo indicated the route more precisely:<br />

Apamea on the Orontes [river], Lysias, Heliopolis, Chalcis (all these are sites in Syria), then he<br />

crossed over the mountains and reached Damascus in Colesyria (Ant. 38 - 40). Both reports<br />

therefore coincide with each other (cf. Ant. 14.104), only Nicolaus conveys it more tersely. In<br />

the Antiquities, however, <strong>Josephus</strong> at first follows Nicolaus-War and as a result brings Pompey<br />

to Damascus; but since Strabo reported that Pompey moved to Damascus from the winter<br />

quarters (38), Pompey then had to be brought out of Damascus again. <strong>Josephus</strong> accomplished<br />

this purpose by switching [the order] Syria-Damascus, which is the view in the War. Pompey<br />

136

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