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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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obbers that ultimately tipped the political scale. <strong>The</strong>y simply could not risk dismissing<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong> since as a result they would lose their only means of keeping the<br />

dangerous robbers under control. So the government in Jerusalem was finally compelled<br />

to [250] accept the situation that <strong>Josephus</strong> had brought about by force: they endorsed him<br />

henceforth as strategos of Galilee. Yet the opposition certainly had no intention of falling silent,<br />

written charges against <strong>Josephus</strong> were released from Galilee, however he responded to the<br />

grievances in his administrative report, which we reconstructed in chapter IV and the main<br />

substance of which we have rendered here: Its purpose was to elaborate the particular merits<br />

of <strong>Josephus</strong> in the pacification of Galilee and to explain his rise [to power] in such phrases as<br />

were inevitably inoffensive. <strong>Josephus</strong> was a rebel who had been successful; and it is probably<br />

their bad conscience, which disposed such characters repeatedly throughout history to<br />

portray their rise [to power], whereby the historically crucial points are mostly concealed or<br />

intimated only in a veiled form. One [should] remember, if the small may be compared to the<br />

great, the Monumentum Ancyranum or Caesar’s Bellum civile. <strong>Josephus</strong> wishes to prove that he<br />

protected Galilee from the robbers and he even tells us in the form of suggestions how he<br />

managed to do this. That he himself, however, in this way turned himself into the tyrant of<br />

Galilee in opposition to his government, we learn only through the grievances of the<br />

opponents to whom <strong>Josephus</strong> has responded. He could truly be satisfied with his achievement;<br />

he was not yet thirty years old but he had seized the strategia of Galilee for himself.<br />

When <strong>Josephus</strong> was composing the War a few years later, he projected a very different<br />

picture of his first activities in Galilee; now he knew what he could not yet suspect during the<br />

composition of his administrative report, [namely] that directly from the turmoil in Galilee,<br />

which he had portrayed in his administrative report, arose the war, which was to lead to the<br />

destruction of Jerusalem, and that the first blow of the Romans was to strike him as strategos of<br />

Galilee. From this new knowledge of things <strong>Josephus</strong> now decided in the War not to deny his<br />

entire activity in Galilee, but indeed to present it in such a way as if he had been sent to Galilee<br />

from the outset as strategos for the Roman War (2.568). He accordingly shifts the beginning of<br />

the <strong>Jewish</strong>-Roman War to an earlier time [251] in such a manner that those events, which<br />

according to the administrative report had no connection whatsoever to the war, which was<br />

indeed still unknown then, henceforth fell within the framework of this war. Thus the War<br />

acquires the semblance that the opposition in Galilee was directed against the legal<br />

219

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