The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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attack of the Dabarittans differently in the Life and the War despite a mutual dependency; these<br />
differences, however, are not accidental, rather they are based upon a thoroughly deliberate<br />
reworking. <strong>The</strong> question of which story corresponds to the truth is absolutely impossible to<br />
answer from external historical evidence; I would not with the best will in the world know by<br />
which method a researcher would prove whether Ptolemy or his wife had been the attacked<br />
party, and it would be just as impossible to advance a clear assessment of the various other<br />
points that are connected to this. <strong>The</strong> path to insight is indicated rather in the second finding<br />
from our stratification [Zergliederung] of the text. We observe that the presentation of the War<br />
had a subsequent effect upon that of the Life, such that the additions made on the basis of the<br />
War actually led to a rupture [62] in the view of the Life. Originally there was an inherently<br />
self-contained presentation in the Life that betrayed no acquaintance with the view of the War;<br />
the additions that had their origin in the expositions of the War were made only later. But [the<br />
fact] that the necessity for these additions did not emerge until later will prove that this<br />
version of the Life, which did not contain the additions generated on the basis<br />
of the War, is older than the War.<br />
And now we remember that <strong>Josephus</strong> remitted the War to Agrippa, who expressed to<br />
<strong>Josephus</strong> his complete approval of the presentation (Life 363 - 367). If <strong>Josephus</strong> was primarily<br />
targeting Agrippa when composing the War and had him in mind as the reader, then it is<br />
obvious that the bending of the old report, such as that provided by the nucleus of the Life, to<br />
the view of the War occurred in order to show Agrippa how willing <strong>Josephus</strong> was to sacrifice<br />
himself on his behalf. For this reason, an attack upon Ptolemy’s wife that did not affect Agrippa<br />
was turned into an armed robbery against Agrippa’s vice-regent himself, by which the king<br />
was affected. <strong>The</strong> Dabarittans who had once conducted themselves audaciously (Life 126) are<br />
now promptly the object of the sharpest censure from <strong>Josephus</strong> (War 596). Once it was<br />
legitimate plunder (λάφυρα Life 129), now it is called stolen goods (ἁρπαγή War 2.596 and<br />
subsequently in the added segment, Life 130). Accordingly, it can no longer be <strong>Josephus</strong>’<br />
intention to erect the walls of Jerusalem with the plunder as was maintained in the old context<br />
of Life 128, rather he feels obliged to restore the stolen goods to the aggrieved Agrippa (War 596<br />
- 597 and subsequently in the added segment Life 130 - 131). But it was precisely for this reason<br />
that he almost had to suffer death. Thus everything is intensified with the thought of gaining<br />
Agrippa’s recognition and of placing <strong>Josephus</strong>’ meritorious efforts on his behalf clearly in the<br />
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