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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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attack of the Dabarittans differently in the Life and the War despite a mutual dependency; these<br />

differences, however, are not accidental, rather they are based upon a thoroughly deliberate<br />

reworking. <strong>The</strong> question of which story corresponds to the truth is absolutely impossible to<br />

answer from external historical evidence; I would not with the best will in the world know by<br />

which method a researcher would prove whether Ptolemy or his wife had been the attacked<br />

party, and it would be just as impossible to advance a clear assessment of the various other<br />

points that are connected to this. <strong>The</strong> path to insight is indicated rather in the second finding<br />

from our stratification [Zergliederung] of the text. We observe that the presentation of the War<br />

had a subsequent effect upon that of the Life, such that the additions made on the basis of the<br />

War actually led to a rupture [62] in the view of the Life. Originally there was an inherently<br />

self-contained presentation in the Life that betrayed no acquaintance with the view of the War;<br />

the additions that had their origin in the expositions of the War were made only later. But [the<br />

fact] that the necessity for these additions did not emerge until later will prove that this<br />

version of the Life, which did not contain the additions generated on the basis<br />

of the War, is older than the War.<br />

And now we remember that <strong>Josephus</strong> remitted the War to Agrippa, who expressed to<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong> his complete approval of the presentation (Life 363 - 367). If <strong>Josephus</strong> was primarily<br />

targeting Agrippa when composing the War and had him in mind as the reader, then it is<br />

obvious that the bending of the old report, such as that provided by the nucleus of the Life, to<br />

the view of the War occurred in order to show Agrippa how willing <strong>Josephus</strong> was to sacrifice<br />

himself on his behalf. For this reason, an attack upon Ptolemy’s wife that did not affect Agrippa<br />

was turned into an armed robbery against Agrippa’s vice-regent himself, by which the king<br />

was affected. <strong>The</strong> Dabarittans who had once conducted themselves audaciously (Life 126) are<br />

now promptly the object of the sharpest censure from <strong>Josephus</strong> (War 596). Once it was<br />

legitimate plunder (λάφυρα Life 129), now it is called stolen goods (ἁρπαγή War 2.596 and<br />

subsequently in the added segment, Life 130). Accordingly, it can no longer be <strong>Josephus</strong>’<br />

intention to erect the walls of Jerusalem with the plunder as was maintained in the old context<br />

of Life 128, rather he feels obliged to restore the stolen goods to the aggrieved Agrippa (War 596<br />

- 597 and subsequently in the added segment Life 130 - 131). But it was precisely for this reason<br />

that he almost had to suffer death. Thus everything is intensified with the thought of gaining<br />

Agrippa’s recognition and of placing <strong>Josephus</strong>’ meritorious efforts on his behalf clearly in the<br />

57

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