The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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therefore is seriously entertaining the thought of keeping the grain that is being stored in<br />
Galilee for the Romans, where there can be absolutely no doubt that such a repository of grain<br />
in Galilee must have been of highly singular importance for the Romans who were waging war.<br />
<strong>Josephus</strong>, however, does not presume even the slightest astonishment in the reader for his<br />
idea [that is] totally impossible from the standpoint of the War and the added segments. In<br />
light of section 72 there is no possibility at all other than that in the relevant moment <strong>Josephus</strong><br />
was not at all thinking that he was at war with the Romans, and section 78 is now indeed<br />
properly clarified by this: <strong>Josephus</strong> feels obliged to stand up for the protection of<br />
the Romans as well. So it is also only logical if the first action of <strong>Josephus</strong> himself in Galilee<br />
was to protect the Sepphorites who were being persecuted by the Galileans because of their<br />
friendship with Rome (section 30).<br />
From the remnants of the old administrative report we thus gain a clear self-contained<br />
picture of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ first appearance in Galilee. He was sent as envoy in order to persuade the<br />
robbers to lay down their arms; just like those who had commissioned him – he sees the enemy<br />
in these [robbers], whereas there is so little thought of a war with Rome that <strong>Josephus</strong>, by<br />
contrast, shows himself to be filled with concern for the Romans and their followers. From this<br />
observation it follows that sections 28 and 29 have also undergone later expansions. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
belong, in their basis, to the old administrative report as has already been stressed frequently,<br />
which is why they see only the envoy in <strong>Josephus</strong>; on the other hand, in two passages <strong>Josephus</strong><br />
is influenced by the assumption that he is in a [state of] war with Rome. But both passages<br />
stand out from the surrounding [text] so completely that I may well offer the Greek text<br />
forthwith. It likely read as follows: ... οἱ πρῶτοι θεασάμενοι τοὺς μὲν λῃστὰς ἅμα τοῖς<br />
νεωτερισταῖς εὐπορουμένους ὅπλων, δείσαντες δ’ αὐτοὶ μὴ ἄνοπλοι καθεστηκότες ὑποχείριοι<br />
γένωνται τοῖς ἐχθροῖς // πέμπουσιν ἐμὲ καὶ δύο ἄλλους τῶν ἱερέων καλοὺς κα’γαθοὺς ἄνδρας,<br />
Ἰώζαρον καὶ Ἰούδαν, πείσοντας τοὺς πονηροὺς καταθέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα. // Λαβὼν οὖν ἐγὼ τὰς<br />
ὑποθήκας ταύτας ἀφικόμην εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ...<br />
Only now does it become clear how the word ὑποθήκας is related to <strong>Josephus</strong>’ mandate<br />
described above, although it is separated from it by a disruptive sentence in the expanded text<br />
format [that has been] transmitted [to us]. It is only in the first sentence [following the<br />
expansion] that the structure now becomes understandable: “Since the principal men of<br />
Jerusalem had observed, and since they were afraid on the basis of what they had observed,<br />
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