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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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ut rather of [the fact] that he would be in a position to procure the money for building the<br />

walls — so he does not yet have it — and it is in section 611 that the modification in<br />

comparison with the administrative report, already discussed by us on page 61, had been made<br />

precisely because <strong>Josephus</strong> did not have the money on him. Thus sections 602 and 607 proceed<br />

from very different premises than do 596, 609 and 611 with which they stand in contradiction.<br />

2. In section 605 <strong>Josephus</strong> explains that he did not have the intention of transferring<br />

the money to Agrippa; “because I will never deem your enemy to be my friend nor consider as<br />

a benefit something that brings harm to the community.” That such a sentence, in which<br />

Agrippa is designated as a pest, [70] did not exist in the book that <strong>Josephus</strong> trimmed for<br />

Agrippa’s reading [pleasure] requires little explanation; we did see how, quite to the contrary,<br />

the underlying thought of the War was that <strong>Josephus</strong> had done everything for Agrippa’s sake<br />

and that the context was altered with precisely this in view (cf. page 62).<br />

3. In the mutually parallel passages 602 and 608 there is still a remarkable difference to<br />

be found. According to 602 the party hostile to <strong>Josephus</strong> consisted of “people from the<br />

countryside”, whereas in 608 the Tiberians are named as opponents. Now, it will arise later<br />

that the War has acquired a further characteristic in that all of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ conflicts with the<br />

Tiberians are deleted (cf. page 84); therefore, at that time <strong>Josephus</strong> could neither have<br />

produced the sentence (606) according to which he had to fear that the Tiberians had intended<br />

to steal the monies, nor 608 according to which the Tiberians reviled and threatened <strong>Josephus</strong>.<br />

From this last observation it also arises that, of the two parallel versions, the one from section<br />

602 is to be assessed as the original, so that the first version initially read: πρὸς ταῦτα τῶν μὲν<br />

οἰκείως ἐχόντων καὶ μάλιστα τῶν Ταριχεατῶν οἶκτος ἦν, οἱ δ’ ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν πλησίον,<br />

ὅσοις ἐδόκει φορτικὸς, ἐβλασφήμουν· // καταλιπόντες δ’ ἑκάτεροι τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἀλλήλοις<br />

διεφέροντο· κα’κεῖνος θαῤῥῶν ἤδη τοῖς ᾠκειωμένοις, ἦσαν δὲ εἰς τετρακισμυρίους Ταριχεᾶται,<br />

παντὶ τῷ πλήθει παρρησιαστικώτερον ὡμίλει. By this, it is now quite clearly seen how the<br />

ᾠκειωμένοις from section 608 incorporates the οἰκείως ἐχόντων from section 602.<br />

4. All the same, this version that has just been delineated is not yet the final one.<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong>’ [rapport] with Tarichea unfolds in the opposite sense to that of his rapport with<br />

Tiberias (page 91 ff.) as an inevitable consequence of the fact that these two towns stood in<br />

opposition to one another. In particular, we shall see that <strong>Josephus</strong> deleted all his close<br />

relations with Tarichea while composing the War, because Agrippa and the Romans took<br />

64

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