The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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to his new [237] views in such a way that a source critic [Quellenkritiker] would perhaps<br />
suspect that an old draft was remodelled here but it would be virtually impossible to identify<br />
exactly the junctures where old meets new in almost all cases. A self-contained whole would<br />
thus be produced; but <strong>Josephus</strong> does not pursue this objective; had he intended to create a new<br />
work, then he could have done something similar in the Life as he actually did in the War,<br />
where he faced his old text with such freedom that a new one arose. So in the Life <strong>Josephus</strong><br />
intended only to republish the text of the old administrative report therefore he furnished it<br />
with additions, whereas the War represents a new work, which was based upon the<br />
administrative report as [its] source.<br />
To be sure, this procedure adopted by <strong>Josephus</strong> in his Life hardly has any analogy in<br />
modern literary practice; analogies are found more frequently in antiquity and this is what<br />
matters to us above all. As is well known, Xenophon used the materials of his Hellenica in order<br />
to compose a panegyric of Agesilaus, which for long stretches is nothing more than a literal<br />
borrowing from the Hellenica. To be sure, Xenophon’s political viewpoint remained the same,<br />
yet stylistically the Agesilaus falls apart since the introduction is formed in a far more<br />
rhetorical manner than the narrative, which was copied verbatim from the Hellenica. If someone<br />
were to demand that I answer the question why <strong>Josephus</strong> depends on his administrative report<br />
to such a slavish degree in his Life that he transfers it verbatim and only provides it with a new<br />
introduction and conclusion and supplements the middle respectively, then I would counter<br />
with the question, why then did Xenophon do the same thing?<br />
We owe an equally apposite parallel to Demosthenes. A few months after he had<br />
delivered his speech “On the Chersonese”, this Attic orator and pamphleteer did not shrink from<br />
replicating the second part of the Chersonese speech in his 4th Philippic verbatim and furnishing<br />
it only with a new introduction and some additions here and there. <strong>The</strong>re can be no doubt here<br />
either that what was actually occupying Demosthenes during the publication of 4 Philippic was<br />
[contained in] the substance of the added segments, i.e. above all, his attitude towards the<br />
theorika. Nevertheless, he [238] retained the old text of the Chersonese speech, which had<br />
been delivered under other circumstances, and the consequence is that 4 Philippic has acquired<br />
an unclear structure, which has also been fully grasped in its peculiarity by A. Körte, to whom<br />
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