The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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137 - 145: by the use of these the view of the War was to coincide with the administrative<br />
report. We therefore turn [our attention] now to a consideration of these insertions.<br />
It has already been established (page 60) that Life 130 - 131 to all intents and purposes<br />
has adopted the point of view of the War with respect to the attack of the Dabarittans.<br />
Originally in Life 129 <strong>Josephus</strong> had specified the refusal of the reward that the Dabarittans<br />
expected as the only reason for the uprising — in revenge they had denounced <strong>Josephus</strong> as<br />
traitor. In the War, which Agrippa was to read, the assumption of the Dabarittans that <strong>Josephus</strong><br />
intended to restore the plunder to Agrippa (596) was added to this as a second reason; in doing<br />
so the author underscores this reason (cf. 596) so that it becomes completely clear to what<br />
risks he has exposed himself for Agrippa’s sake. This idea, for its part, now became the source<br />
for Life 130: the building of Jerusalem’s walls is indeed only a pretext, — so it was rumoured by<br />
the Dabarittans, in order to instigate the uprising against <strong>Josephus</strong> — in truth, <strong>Josephus</strong><br />
intended to return the plunder to “its owner” (page 58). And — thus the author continues<br />
afterwards in section 131 — this was in reality the intention of <strong>Josephus</strong>, who gave over the<br />
stolen goods for this purpose to Agrippa’s close friends with the order to deliver them to the<br />
king. This last sentence also ties in with the War (596), but at the same time it goes somewhat<br />
beyond; because according to War 596 the money was only deposited in order to give it back<br />
eventually to the king, while here in the Life immediate restitution was to ensue. I would<br />
like to see the reason for this small alteration in [the fact] that the money is required in the<br />
War for the continued narration after 596 as well, because the issue of the building of<br />
Tarichea’s walls — as ἀπάτη — which presumes the availability of the money, is not dealt with<br />
until 609. In the Life, on the other hand, the corresponding (cf. page 72) problem of the building<br />
of Jerusalem’s walls — as σόφισμα — is already settled in 130, the money is [74] thus no longer<br />
required for this narrative after section 131 and <strong>Josephus</strong> therefore could easily carry his zeal<br />
for Agrippa one step farther here than in the War. Thus the insertion Life 130 - 131 in effect<br />
presents itself to us from all angles as dependent upon the narrative and view of the War. One<br />
may well assume that when <strong>Josephus</strong> was composing the War on the basis of his administrative<br />
report and suffusing it with a new bias, he at the same time enriched his old manuscript by an<br />
addition that was to bring about an equalization between the two expositions.<br />
Matters stand differently with sections 137 - 145, which we shall discuss in conjunction<br />
with their parallel in War 2.602 - 608. For the sake of brevity, we wish to designate the War in<br />
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