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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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137 - 145: by the use of these the view of the War was to coincide with the administrative<br />

report. We therefore turn [our attention] now to a consideration of these insertions.<br />

It has already been established (page 60) that Life 130 - 131 to all intents and purposes<br />

has adopted the point of view of the War with respect to the attack of the Dabarittans.<br />

Originally in Life 129 <strong>Josephus</strong> had specified the refusal of the reward that the Dabarittans<br />

expected as the only reason for the uprising — in revenge they had denounced <strong>Josephus</strong> as<br />

traitor. In the War, which Agrippa was to read, the assumption of the Dabarittans that <strong>Josephus</strong><br />

intended to restore the plunder to Agrippa (596) was added to this as a second reason; in doing<br />

so the author underscores this reason (cf. 596) so that it becomes completely clear to what<br />

risks he has exposed himself for Agrippa’s sake. This idea, for its part, now became the source<br />

for Life 130: the building of Jerusalem’s walls is indeed only a pretext, — so it was rumoured by<br />

the Dabarittans, in order to instigate the uprising against <strong>Josephus</strong> — in truth, <strong>Josephus</strong><br />

intended to return the plunder to “its owner” (page 58). And — thus the author continues<br />

afterwards in section 131 — this was in reality the intention of <strong>Josephus</strong>, who gave over the<br />

stolen goods for this purpose to Agrippa’s close friends with the order to deliver them to the<br />

king. This last sentence also ties in with the War (596), but at the same time it goes somewhat<br />

beyond; because according to War 596 the money was only deposited in order to give it back<br />

eventually to the king, while here in the Life immediate restitution was to ensue. I would<br />

like to see the reason for this small alteration in [the fact] that the money is required in the<br />

War for the continued narration after 596 as well, because the issue of the building of<br />

Tarichea’s walls — as ἀπάτη — which presumes the availability of the money, is not dealt with<br />

until 609. In the Life, on the other hand, the corresponding (cf. page 72) problem of the building<br />

of Jerusalem’s walls — as σόφισμα — is already settled in 130, the money is [74] thus no longer<br />

required for this narrative after section 131 and <strong>Josephus</strong> therefore could easily carry his zeal<br />

for Agrippa one step farther here than in the War. Thus the insertion Life 130 - 131 in effect<br />

presents itself to us from all angles as dependent upon the narrative and view of the War. One<br />

may well assume that when <strong>Josephus</strong> was composing the War on the basis of his administrative<br />

report and suffusing it with a new bias, he at the same time enriched his old manuscript by an<br />

addition that was to bring about an equalization between the two expositions.<br />

Matters stand differently with sections 137 - 145, which we shall discuss in conjunction<br />

with their parallel in War 2.602 - 608. For the sake of brevity, we wish to designate the War in<br />

67

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