30.05.2014 Views

The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

examination of the way in which the individual parts] intersect: it is oriented in a direction<br />

other than that of the surrounding passages and originates from a different time than these, as<br />

is proven above all by the entirely different evaluation of John. A self-contained older<br />

report that first deals with <strong>Josephus</strong>’ journey to Sepphoris (30/31) and then his<br />

continued travels to Bethamus was subsequently split by an insertion that<br />

completely disrupted its context. And if 336 - 337 was merely disturbing, then it must be<br />

said here, the result of the insertion was that the context was factually and formally stripped<br />

of any reasonable meaning. <strong>The</strong> defensive trend inherent within the entire Life can therefore<br />

not have anything to do with the combat against Justus which was only inserted afterwards<br />

and which stems from an entirely different time period.<br />

Now, if 32 - 62 is a later insertion into an older text, then all those parts which are<br />

based on this [47] report or are in some way connected to it must be likewise secondary and<br />

discarded without objection. Those passages that deal with Justus of Tiberias and with Philip<br />

and the Babylonian Jews will be affected by this stipulation. Our expectation is not only<br />

fulfilled but in truth is greatly exceeded.<br />

Already H. Luther 22 , to whom the methods adopted here were totally unknown,<br />

nevertheless observed correctly that “in two passages where mention is made of Justus’<br />

alleged participation in the opposition against <strong>Josephus</strong>, it appears exactly as if his name was<br />

added only afterwards.” Luther, who likewise clearly realized and stressed that there was no<br />

mention ever made of Justus’ opposition in the parallel presentation of the War, had sections<br />

88 and 279 in mind there. In fact, the word τοῖς λεχθεῖσιν here does not acquire its correct<br />

reference until elimination of the intervening sentence ταῦτ’ εἰπόντα τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐπῄνει ...<br />

63 and 64; moreover, since in 64 μετ’ αὐτῶν refers to his fellow envoys, these were [therefore]<br />

discussed previously, i.e. 63 belongs to 64, and we obtain a division point between 62 and 63. If<br />

according to this, 63 includes the factual continuation of the description of the events in<br />

Sepphoris (30/31), then this agrees excellently: it was precisely there that the fellow envoys,<br />

who were indeed priests (29), had enriched themselves so much. Had they just recently arrived<br />

in Galilee then the acquisition of wealth would remain incomprehensible. Factually the<br />

insertion includes sections 32 - 61. In its intersection [with the preceding passage] <strong>Josephus</strong><br />

formulates the phrase τοὺς ἐν Τιβεριάδι (31), while section 62 is to establish the connection<br />

[with the following text]. Hence an allusion to the envoys had to be placed here, which<br />

formally fulfilled a connective function, even though it is factually awkward — <strong>Josephus</strong> had<br />

not even given an account of the envoys.<br />

22 <strong>Josephus</strong> and Justus von Tiberias, page 45 f.<br />

44

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!