The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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examination of the way in which the individual parts] intersect: it is oriented in a direction<br />
other than that of the surrounding passages and originates from a different time than these, as<br />
is proven above all by the entirely different evaluation of John. A self-contained older<br />
report that first deals with <strong>Josephus</strong>’ journey to Sepphoris (30/31) and then his<br />
continued travels to Bethamus was subsequently split by an insertion that<br />
completely disrupted its context. And if 336 - 337 was merely disturbing, then it must be<br />
said here, the result of the insertion was that the context was factually and formally stripped<br />
of any reasonable meaning. <strong>The</strong> defensive trend inherent within the entire Life can therefore<br />
not have anything to do with the combat against Justus which was only inserted afterwards<br />
and which stems from an entirely different time period.<br />
Now, if 32 - 62 is a later insertion into an older text, then all those parts which are<br />
based on this [47] report or are in some way connected to it must be likewise secondary and<br />
discarded without objection. Those passages that deal with Justus of Tiberias and with Philip<br />
and the Babylonian Jews will be affected by this stipulation. Our expectation is not only<br />
fulfilled but in truth is greatly exceeded.<br />
Already H. Luther 22 , to whom the methods adopted here were totally unknown,<br />
nevertheless observed correctly that “in two passages where mention is made of Justus’<br />
alleged participation in the opposition against <strong>Josephus</strong>, it appears exactly as if his name was<br />
added only afterwards.” Luther, who likewise clearly realized and stressed that there was no<br />
mention ever made of Justus’ opposition in the parallel presentation of the War, had sections<br />
88 and 279 in mind there. In fact, the word τοῖς λεχθεῖσιν here does not acquire its correct<br />
reference until elimination of the intervening sentence ταῦτ’ εἰπόντα τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐπῄνει ...<br />
63 and 64; moreover, since in 64 μετ’ αὐτῶν refers to his fellow envoys, these were [therefore]<br />
discussed previously, i.e. 63 belongs to 64, and we obtain a division point between 62 and 63. If<br />
according to this, 63 includes the factual continuation of the description of the events in<br />
Sepphoris (30/31), then this agrees excellently: it was precisely there that the fellow envoys,<br />
who were indeed priests (29), had enriched themselves so much. Had they just recently arrived<br />
in Galilee then the acquisition of wealth would remain incomprehensible. Factually the<br />
insertion includes sections 32 - 61. In its intersection [with the preceding passage] <strong>Josephus</strong><br />
formulates the phrase τοὺς ἐν Τιβεριάδι (31), while section 62 is to establish the connection<br />
[with the following text]. Hence an allusion to the envoys had to be placed here, which<br />
formally fulfilled a connective function, even though it is factually awkward — <strong>Josephus</strong> had<br />
not even given an account of the envoys.<br />
22 <strong>Josephus</strong> and Justus von Tiberias, page 45 f.<br />
44