Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
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194 ORIENTALISM<br />
Orientalist Structures and Restructures<br />
195<br />
in the Englishman's case his government was closer to settling in<br />
the rest of the Orient than France was-for the time being. Flaubert<br />
saw this with perfect accuracy:<br />
It seems to me almost impossible that within a short time England<br />
won't become mistress of Egypt. She already keeps Aden full of<br />
her troops, the crossing of Suez will make it very easy for the<br />
redcoats to arrive in Cairo one fine morning-the news will reach<br />
France two weeks later and everyone will be very surprised! Remember<br />
my prediction: at the first sign of trouble in Europe,<br />
England will take Egypt, Russia will take Constantinople, and we,<br />
in retaliation, will get ourselves massacred in the mountains of<br />
Syria. 119<br />
For all their vaunted individuality Kinglake's views express a public<br />
and national will over the Orient; his ego is the instrument of this<br />
will's expression, not by any means its master. There is no evidence<br />
in his writing that he struggled to create a novel opinion of the<br />
Orient; neither his knowledge nor his personality was adequate for<br />
that, and this is the great difference between him and Richard<br />
Burton. As a traveler, Burton was a real adventurer; as a scholar,<br />
he could hold his own with any academic Orientalist in Europe; as a<br />
character, he was fully aware of the necessity of combat between<br />
himself and the uniformed teachers who ran Europe and European<br />
knowledge with such precise anonymity and scientific firmness.<br />
Everything Burton wrote testifies to this combativeness, rarely with<br />
more candid contempt for his opponents than in the preface to his<br />
translation of the Arabian Nights. He seems to have taken a special<br />
sort of infantile pleasure in demonstrating that he knew more than<br />
any professional scholar, that he had acquired many more details<br />
than they had, that he could handle the material with more wit<br />
and tact and freshness than they.<br />
As I said earlier, Burton's work based on his personal experience<br />
occupies a median position· between Orientalist genres represented<br />
on the one hand by Lane and on the other by the French writers I<br />
have discussed. His Oriental narratives are structured as pilgrimages<br />
and, in the case of The Land of Midian Revisited, pilgrimages for a<br />
second time to sites of sometimes religious, sometimes political and<br />
economic significance. He is present as the principal character of<br />
these works, as much the center of fantastic adventure and even<br />
fantasy (like the French writers) as the authoritative commentator<br />
and detached Westerner on Oriental society and customs (like<br />
Lane). He has been rightly considered the first in a series of fiercely<br />
individualistic Victorian travelers in the East (the others being Blunt<br />
and Doughty) by Thomas Assad, who bases his work on the distance<br />
in tone and intelligence between his writers' work and such works as<br />
Austen Layard's Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon<br />
(1851), Eliot Warburton's celebrated The Crescent and the Cross<br />
(1844), Robert Curzon's Visit to the Monasteries of the Levant<br />
( 1849), and (a work he does not mention) Thackeray's moderately<br />
amusing Notes of a Journey from Cornhill to Grand Cairo (1845).120<br />
Yet Burton's legacy is more complex than individualism precisely<br />
because in his writing we can find exemplified the struggle between<br />
individualism and a strong feeling of national identification with<br />
Europe (specifically England) as an imperial power in the East.<br />
Assad sensitively points out that Burton was an imperialist, for all<br />
his sympathetic self-association with the Arabs; but what is more<br />
r~levant is that Burton thought of himself both as a rebel against<br />
authority (hence his identification with the East as a place of freedom<br />
from Victorian moral authority) and as a potential agent of<br />
authority in the East. It is the manner of that coexistence, between<br />
two antagonistic roles for himself, that is of interest.<br />
The problem finally reduces itself to the problem of knowledge<br />
of the Orient, which is why a consideration of Burton's <strong>Orientalism</strong><br />
ought to conclude our account' of Orientalist structures and restructures<br />
in most of the nineteenth century. As a traveling adventurer<br />
Burton conceived of himself as sharing the life of the<br />
people in whose lands he lived. Far more successfully than T. E.<br />
Lawrence, he was able to become an Oriental; he not only spoke<br />
the language flawlessly, he was able to penetrate to the heart of<br />
Islam and, disguised as an Indian Muslim doctor, accomplish the<br />
pilgrimage to Mecca. Yet Burton's most extraordinary characteristic<br />
is, I believe, that he was preternaturally knowledgeable about the<br />
degree to which human life in society was governed by rules and<br />
codes. All of his vast information about the Orient, which dots every<br />
page he wrote, reveals that he knew that the Orient in general and<br />
Islam in particular were systems of information, behavior, and<br />
belief, that to be an Oriental or a Muslim was to know certain things<br />
in a certain way, and that these were of course subject to history,<br />
geography, and the development of society in circumstances specific<br />
to it. Thus his accounts of travel in the East reveal to us a<br />
consciousness aware of these things and able to steer a narrative<br />
course through them: no man who did not know Arabic and Islam<br />
as well as Burton could have gone as far as he did in actually becom