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Orientalism - autonomous learning

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194 ORIENTALISM<br />

Orientalist Structures and Restructures<br />

195<br />

in the Englishman's case his government was closer to settling in<br />

the rest of the Orient than France was-for the time being. Flaubert<br />

saw this with perfect accuracy:<br />

It seems to me almost impossible that within a short time England<br />

won't become mistress of Egypt. She already keeps Aden full of<br />

her troops, the crossing of Suez will make it very easy for the<br />

redcoats to arrive in Cairo one fine morning-the news will reach<br />

France two weeks later and everyone will be very surprised! Remember<br />

my prediction: at the first sign of trouble in Europe,<br />

England will take Egypt, Russia will take Constantinople, and we,<br />

in retaliation, will get ourselves massacred in the mountains of<br />

Syria. 119<br />

For all their vaunted individuality Kinglake's views express a public<br />

and national will over the Orient; his ego is the instrument of this<br />

will's expression, not by any means its master. There is no evidence<br />

in his writing that he struggled to create a novel opinion of the<br />

Orient; neither his knowledge nor his personality was adequate for<br />

that, and this is the great difference between him and Richard<br />

Burton. As a traveler, Burton was a real adventurer; as a scholar,<br />

he could hold his own with any academic Orientalist in Europe; as a<br />

character, he was fully aware of the necessity of combat between<br />

himself and the uniformed teachers who ran Europe and European<br />

knowledge with such precise anonymity and scientific firmness.<br />

Everything Burton wrote testifies to this combativeness, rarely with<br />

more candid contempt for his opponents than in the preface to his<br />

translation of the Arabian Nights. He seems to have taken a special<br />

sort of infantile pleasure in demonstrating that he knew more than<br />

any professional scholar, that he had acquired many more details<br />

than they had, that he could handle the material with more wit<br />

and tact and freshness than they.<br />

As I said earlier, Burton's work based on his personal experience<br />

occupies a median position· between Orientalist genres represented<br />

on the one hand by Lane and on the other by the French writers I<br />

have discussed. His Oriental narratives are structured as pilgrimages<br />

and, in the case of The Land of Midian Revisited, pilgrimages for a<br />

second time to sites of sometimes religious, sometimes political and<br />

economic significance. He is present as the principal character of<br />

these works, as much the center of fantastic adventure and even<br />

fantasy (like the French writers) as the authoritative commentator<br />

and detached Westerner on Oriental society and customs (like<br />

Lane). He has been rightly considered the first in a series of fiercely<br />

individualistic Victorian travelers in the East (the others being Blunt<br />

and Doughty) by Thomas Assad, who bases his work on the distance<br />

in tone and intelligence between his writers' work and such works as<br />

Austen Layard's Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon<br />

(1851), Eliot Warburton's celebrated The Crescent and the Cross<br />

(1844), Robert Curzon's Visit to the Monasteries of the Levant<br />

( 1849), and (a work he does not mention) Thackeray's moderately<br />

amusing Notes of a Journey from Cornhill to Grand Cairo (1845).120<br />

Yet Burton's legacy is more complex than individualism precisely<br />

because in his writing we can find exemplified the struggle between<br />

individualism and a strong feeling of national identification with<br />

Europe (specifically England) as an imperial power in the East.<br />

Assad sensitively points out that Burton was an imperialist, for all<br />

his sympathetic self-association with the Arabs; but what is more<br />

r~levant is that Burton thought of himself both as a rebel against<br />

authority (hence his identification with the East as a place of freedom<br />

from Victorian moral authority) and as a potential agent of<br />

authority in the East. It is the manner of that coexistence, between<br />

two antagonistic roles for himself, that is of interest.<br />

The problem finally reduces itself to the problem of knowledge<br />

of the Orient, which is why a consideration of Burton's <strong>Orientalism</strong><br />

ought to conclude our account' of Orientalist structures and restructures<br />

in most of the nineteenth century. As a traveling adventurer<br />

Burton conceived of himself as sharing the life of the<br />

people in whose lands he lived. Far more successfully than T. E.<br />

Lawrence, he was able to become an Oriental; he not only spoke<br />

the language flawlessly, he was able to penetrate to the heart of<br />

Islam and, disguised as an Indian Muslim doctor, accomplish the<br />

pilgrimage to Mecca. Yet Burton's most extraordinary characteristic<br />

is, I believe, that he was preternaturally knowledgeable about the<br />

degree to which human life in society was governed by rules and<br />

codes. All of his vast information about the Orient, which dots every<br />

page he wrote, reveals that he knew that the Orient in general and<br />

Islam in particular were systems of information, behavior, and<br />

belief, that to be an Oriental or a Muslim was to know certain things<br />

in a certain way, and that these were of course subject to history,<br />

geography, and the development of society in circumstances specific<br />

to it. Thus his accounts of travel in the East reveal to us a<br />

consciousness aware of these things and able to steer a narrative<br />

course through them: no man who did not know Arabic and Islam<br />

as well as Burton could have gone as far as he did in actually becom­

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