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Orientalism - autonomous learning

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114 ORIENT ALISM<br />

Orientalist Structures and Restructures<br />

115<br />

this anticipated project of Bouvard's is rudely interrupted by<br />

reality-this time by the sudden appearance of gendarmes who<br />

accuse him of debauchery. A few lines later, however, the second<br />

item of interest turns up. The two men simultaneously confess to<br />

each other that their secret desire is once again to become copyists.<br />

They have a double desk made for them, they buy books, pencils,<br />

erasers, and-as Flaubert concludes the sketch- "ils s'y mettent":<br />

they turn to. From trying to live through and apply knowledge more<br />

or less directly, Bouvard and Pecuchet are reduced finally to transcribing<br />

it uncritically from one text to another.<br />

Although Bouvard's vision of Europe regenerated by Asia is not<br />

fully spelled out, it (and what it comes to on the copyist's desk) can<br />

be glossed in several important ways. Like many of the two men's<br />

other visions, this one is global and it is reconstructive; it represents<br />

what Flaubert felt to be the nineteenth-century predilection for the<br />

rebuilding of the world according to an imaginative vision, sometimes<br />

accompanied by a special scientific technique. Among the<br />

visions Flaubert has in mind are the utopias of Saint-Simon and<br />

Fourier, the scientific regenerations of mankind envisioned by<br />

Comte, and all the technical or secular religions promoted by<br />

ideologues, positivists, eclectics, occultists, traditionalists, and<br />

idealists such as Destutt de Tracy, Cabanis, Michelet, Cousin,<br />

Proudhon, Cournot, Cabet, Janet, and Lamennais. 2 Throughout the<br />

novel Bouvard and Pecuchet espouse the various causes of such<br />

figures; then, having ruined them, they move on looking for newer<br />

ones, but with no better results.<br />

The roots of such revisionist ambitions as these are Romantic<br />

in a very specific way. We must remember the extent to which a<br />

major part of the spiritual and intellectual project of the late<br />

eighteenth century was a reconstituted theology-natural supernaturalism,<br />

as M. H. Abrams has called it; this type of thought is<br />

carried forward by the typical nineteenth-century attitudes Flaubert<br />

satirizes in Bouvard et Pecuchet. The notion of regeneration therefore<br />

harks back to<br />

a conspicuous Romantic tendency, after the rationalism and<br />

decorum of the Enlightenment ... [to revert] to the stark drama<br />

and suprarational mysteries of the Christian story and doctrines<br />

and to the violent conflicts and abrupt reversals of the Christian<br />

inner life, turning on the extremes of destruction and creation,<br />

hell and heaven, exile and reunion, death and rebirth, dejection<br />

and joy, paradise lost and paradise regained .... But since they<br />

lived, inescapably, after the Enlightenment, Romantic writers<br />

revived these ancient matters with a difference: they undertook to<br />

save the overview of human history and destiny, the existential<br />

paradigms, and the cardinal values of their religious heritage, by<br />

reconstituting them in a way that would make them intellectually<br />

acceptable, as well as emotionally pertinent, for the time being.s<br />

What Bouvard has in mind-the regeneration of Europe by Asia<br />

-was a very influential Romantic idea. Friedrich Schlegel and<br />

Novalis, for example, urged upon their countrymen, and upon<br />

Europeans in general, a detailed study of India because, they said,<br />

it was Indian culture and religion that could defeat the materialism<br />

and mechanism (and republicanism) of Occidental culture. And<br />

from this defeat would arise a new, revitalized Europe: the Biblical<br />

imagery of death, rebirth, and redemption is evident in this prescription.'<br />

Moreover, the Romantic Orientalist project was not<br />

merely a specific instance of a general tendency; it was a powerful<br />

shaper of the tendency itself, as Raymond Schwab has so convincingly<br />

argued in. La Renaissance orientale. But what mattered<br />

was not Asia so much as Asia's use to modern Europe. Thus anyone<br />

who, like Schlegel or Franz Bopp, mastered an Oriental language<br />

waS a spiritual hero, a knight-errant bringing back to. Europe a<br />

sense of the holy mission it had now lost. It is precisely this sense<br />

that the later secular religions portrayed by Flaubert carry on in<br />

the nineteenth century. No less than Schlegel, Wordsworth, and<br />

Chateaubriand, Auguste Comte-like Bouvard-was the adherent<br />

and proponent of a secular post-Enlightenment myth whose outlines<br />

are unmistakably Christian.<br />

In regularly allowing Bouvard and Pecuchet to go through revisionist<br />

notions from start to comically debased finish, Flaubert drew<br />

attention to the human flaw common to all projects. He saw perfectly<br />

well that underneath the idee re,;ue "Europe-regenerated-by-Asia"<br />

lurked a very insidious hubris. Neither "Europe" nor "Asia" was<br />

anything without the visionaries' technique for turning vast geographical<br />

domains into treatable, and manageable, entities. At bottom,<br />

therefore, Europe and Asia were our Europe and our Asiaour<br />

will and representation, as Schopenhauer had said. Historical<br />

laws were in reality historians' laws, just as "the two foons of<br />

humanity" drew attention less to actuality than to a European capacity<br />

fQr lending man-made distinctions an air of inevitability. As for<br />

the other half of the phrase-"wi1l at last be soldered together"­<br />

there Flaubert mocked the blithe indifference of science to actuality,

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