Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
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114 ORIENT ALISM<br />
Orientalist Structures and Restructures<br />
115<br />
this anticipated project of Bouvard's is rudely interrupted by<br />
reality-this time by the sudden appearance of gendarmes who<br />
accuse him of debauchery. A few lines later, however, the second<br />
item of interest turns up. The two men simultaneously confess to<br />
each other that their secret desire is once again to become copyists.<br />
They have a double desk made for them, they buy books, pencils,<br />
erasers, and-as Flaubert concludes the sketch- "ils s'y mettent":<br />
they turn to. From trying to live through and apply knowledge more<br />
or less directly, Bouvard and Pecuchet are reduced finally to transcribing<br />
it uncritically from one text to another.<br />
Although Bouvard's vision of Europe regenerated by Asia is not<br />
fully spelled out, it (and what it comes to on the copyist's desk) can<br />
be glossed in several important ways. Like many of the two men's<br />
other visions, this one is global and it is reconstructive; it represents<br />
what Flaubert felt to be the nineteenth-century predilection for the<br />
rebuilding of the world according to an imaginative vision, sometimes<br />
accompanied by a special scientific technique. Among the<br />
visions Flaubert has in mind are the utopias of Saint-Simon and<br />
Fourier, the scientific regenerations of mankind envisioned by<br />
Comte, and all the technical or secular religions promoted by<br />
ideologues, positivists, eclectics, occultists, traditionalists, and<br />
idealists such as Destutt de Tracy, Cabanis, Michelet, Cousin,<br />
Proudhon, Cournot, Cabet, Janet, and Lamennais. 2 Throughout the<br />
novel Bouvard and Pecuchet espouse the various causes of such<br />
figures; then, having ruined them, they move on looking for newer<br />
ones, but with no better results.<br />
The roots of such revisionist ambitions as these are Romantic<br />
in a very specific way. We must remember the extent to which a<br />
major part of the spiritual and intellectual project of the late<br />
eighteenth century was a reconstituted theology-natural supernaturalism,<br />
as M. H. Abrams has called it; this type of thought is<br />
carried forward by the typical nineteenth-century attitudes Flaubert<br />
satirizes in Bouvard et Pecuchet. The notion of regeneration therefore<br />
harks back to<br />
a conspicuous Romantic tendency, after the rationalism and<br />
decorum of the Enlightenment ... [to revert] to the stark drama<br />
and suprarational mysteries of the Christian story and doctrines<br />
and to the violent conflicts and abrupt reversals of the Christian<br />
inner life, turning on the extremes of destruction and creation,<br />
hell and heaven, exile and reunion, death and rebirth, dejection<br />
and joy, paradise lost and paradise regained .... But since they<br />
lived, inescapably, after the Enlightenment, Romantic writers<br />
revived these ancient matters with a difference: they undertook to<br />
save the overview of human history and destiny, the existential<br />
paradigms, and the cardinal values of their religious heritage, by<br />
reconstituting them in a way that would make them intellectually<br />
acceptable, as well as emotionally pertinent, for the time being.s<br />
What Bouvard has in mind-the regeneration of Europe by Asia<br />
-was a very influential Romantic idea. Friedrich Schlegel and<br />
Novalis, for example, urged upon their countrymen, and upon<br />
Europeans in general, a detailed study of India because, they said,<br />
it was Indian culture and religion that could defeat the materialism<br />
and mechanism (and republicanism) of Occidental culture. And<br />
from this defeat would arise a new, revitalized Europe: the Biblical<br />
imagery of death, rebirth, and redemption is evident in this prescription.'<br />
Moreover, the Romantic Orientalist project was not<br />
merely a specific instance of a general tendency; it was a powerful<br />
shaper of the tendency itself, as Raymond Schwab has so convincingly<br />
argued in. La Renaissance orientale. But what mattered<br />
was not Asia so much as Asia's use to modern Europe. Thus anyone<br />
who, like Schlegel or Franz Bopp, mastered an Oriental language<br />
waS a spiritual hero, a knight-errant bringing back to. Europe a<br />
sense of the holy mission it had now lost. It is precisely this sense<br />
that the later secular religions portrayed by Flaubert carry on in<br />
the nineteenth century. No less than Schlegel, Wordsworth, and<br />
Chateaubriand, Auguste Comte-like Bouvard-was the adherent<br />
and proponent of a secular post-Enlightenment myth whose outlines<br />
are unmistakably Christian.<br />
In regularly allowing Bouvard and Pecuchet to go through revisionist<br />
notions from start to comically debased finish, Flaubert drew<br />
attention to the human flaw common to all projects. He saw perfectly<br />
well that underneath the idee re,;ue "Europe-regenerated-by-Asia"<br />
lurked a very insidious hubris. Neither "Europe" nor "Asia" was<br />
anything without the visionaries' technique for turning vast geographical<br />
domains into treatable, and manageable, entities. At bottom,<br />
therefore, Europe and Asia were our Europe and our Asiaour<br />
will and representation, as Schopenhauer had said. Historical<br />
laws were in reality historians' laws, just as "the two foons of<br />
humanity" drew attention less to actuality than to a European capacity<br />
fQr lending man-made distinctions an air of inevitability. As for<br />
the other half of the phrase-"wi1l at last be soldered together"<br />
there Flaubert mocked the blithe indifference of science to actuality,