Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
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88 ORIENTALISM<br />
The Scope of <strong>Orientalism</strong><br />
89<br />
series of textual children, from Chateaubriand's ltineraire to Lamartine's<br />
Voyage en Orient to Flaubert's SalammbO, and in the same<br />
tradition, Lane's Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians and<br />
Richard Burton's Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to al-Madinah<br />
and Meccah. What binds them together is not only their common<br />
background in Oriental legend and experience but also their learned<br />
reliance on the Orient as a kind of womb out of which they were<br />
brought forth. If paradoxically these creations turned out to be<br />
highly stylized simulacra, elaborately wrought imitations of what<br />
a live Orient might be thought to look like, that by no means<br />
detracts either from the strength of their imaginative conception or<br />
from the strength of European mastery of the Orient, whose<br />
prototypes respectively were Cagliostro, the great European impersonator<br />
of the Orient, and Napoleon, its first modem conqueror.<br />
Artistic or textual work was not the only product of the<br />
Napoleonic expedition. There were, in addition and certainly more<br />
influential, the scientific project, whose chief instance is Ernest<br />
Renan's Systeme compare et histoire gbwrale des langues semitiques,<br />
completed in 1848 for-neatly enough-the Prix Volney,<br />
and the geopolitical project, of which Ferdinand de Lesseps's Suez<br />
(::anal and England's occupation of Egypt in 1882 are prime instances.<br />
The difference between the two is not only in manifest<br />
scale but also in quality of Orientalist conviction. Renan truly<br />
believed that he had re-created the Orient, as it really was, in his<br />
work. De Lesseps, on the other hand, always was somewhat awed<br />
by the newness his project had released out of the old Orient, and<br />
this sense communicated itself to everyone for whom the opening<br />
of the canal in 1869 was no ordinary event. In his Excursionist<br />
and Tourist Advertiser for July 1, 1869, Thomas Cook's enthusiasm<br />
carries on de Lesseps's:<br />
On November the 17th, the greatest engineering feat of the present<br />
century is to have its success celebrated by a magnificent inauguration<br />
fete, at which nearly every European royal family will have<br />
its special representative. Truly the occasion will be an exceptional<br />
one. The formation of a line of water communication between<br />
Europe and the East, has been the thought of centuries, occupying<br />
in turn the minds of Greeks, Roman, Saxon and Gaul, but it was<br />
not until within the last few years that modern civilization began<br />
seriously to set about emulating the labours of the ancient<br />
Pharaohs, who, many centuries since, constructed a canal between<br />
the two seas, traces of which remain to this day.... Everything<br />
connected with [the modem) works are on the most gigantic scale,<br />
and a perusal of a little pamphlet, descriptive of the undertaking,<br />
from the pen of the Chevalier de S1. Stoess, impresses us most<br />
forcibly with the genius of the great Master-mind-M. Ferdinand<br />
de Lesseps-to whose perseverance, calm daring and foresight,<br />
the dream of ages has at last become a real and tangible fact ...<br />
the project for bringing more closely together the countries of the<br />
West and the East, and thus uniting the civilizations of different<br />
epochs.81<br />
The combination of old ideas with new methods, the bringing together<br />
of cultures whose relations to the nineteenth century were<br />
different, the genuine imposition of the power of modern technology<br />
and intellectual will upon formerly stable and divided geographical<br />
entities like East and West: this is what Cook perceives and what,<br />
in his journals, speeches, prospectuses, and letters, de Lesseps<br />
advertises.<br />
Genealogically, Ferdinand's start was auspicious. Mathieu de<br />
Lesseps, his father, had come to Egypt with Napoleon and remained<br />
there (as "unofficial French representative," Marlowe says82) for<br />
four years after the French evacuated it in 1801. Many of Ferdi<br />
;-1<br />
nand's later writings refer ~ack to Napoleon's own interest in<br />
,If digging a canal, which, because he had been misinformed by<br />
"',j experts, he never thought was a realizable goal. Infected by the<br />
erratic history of canal projects that included French schemes<br />
entertained by Richelieu and the Saint-Simonians, de Lesseps returned<br />
to Egypt in 1854, there to embark on the undertaking that<br />
was eventually completed fifteen years later. He had no real engineering<br />
background. Only a tremendous faith in his near-divine skills as<br />
builder; mover, and creator kept him going; as his diplomatic<br />
'."<br />
l! )<br />
I.,:.<br />
and financial talents gained him Egyptian and European support,<br />
he seems to have acquired the necessary knowledge to carry matters<br />
to completion. More useful, perhaps, he learned how to plant his<br />
potential contributors in the world-historical theater and make them<br />
see what his "pensee morale," as he called his ptoject,really meant.<br />
"Vous envisagez," he told them in 1860, "les immenses services<br />
que Ie rapprochement de l'occident et de l'orient doh rendre it la<br />
civilization et au developpement de la richesse generale. Le monde<br />
attend de vous un grand progres et vous voulez repondre al'attente<br />
du monde."83 In accordance with such notions the name of the<br />
investment company formed by de Lesseps in 1858 was a charged<br />
one and reflected the grandiose plans he cherished: the Compagnie<br />
I