Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
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348 ORIENTALISM<br />
the most basic conditions of civilized life had broken down," and to<br />
do this by means of a system of imposed trusteeships. His model is<br />
explicitly a nineteenth century colonial one where, he says, in order<br />
for the Europeans to trade profitably they had to impose political<br />
order.<br />
Johnson's argument has numerous subterranean echoes in the<br />
works of U.S. policy-makers, the media, and of course U.S. foreign<br />
policy itself, which remains interventionist in the Middle East, Latin<br />
America, and Eastern Europe, and frankly missionary everywhere<br />
else, especially with regard to its policies toward Russia and the<br />
former Soviet republics. The important point, however, is that a<br />
largely unexamined but serious rift has opened in the public consciousness<br />
between the old ideas ofWestern hegemony (of which the<br />
system of <strong>Orientalism</strong> was a part) on the one hand, and newer ideas<br />
that have taken hold among subaltern and disadvantaged communities<br />
and among a wide sector of intellectuals, academics, and artists,<br />
on the other. It is now very strikingly no longer the case that the lesser<br />
peoples-formerly colonized, enslaved, suppressed-are silent or<br />
unaccounted for except by senior European or American males.<br />
There has been a revolution in the consciousness of women, minorities,<br />
and marginals so powerful as to affect mainstream thinking<br />
worldwide. Although I had some sense of it when I was working on<br />
<strong>Orientalism</strong> in the 1970s, it is now so dramatically apparent as to<br />
demand the attention ofeveryone seriously concerned with the scholarly<br />
and theoretical study of culture.<br />
Two broad currents can be distinguished: post-colonialism and<br />
post-modernism, both in their use of the word "post" suggesting not<br />
so much the sense of going beyond but rather, as Ella Shohat puts it<br />
in a seminal article on the post-colonial, suggesting "continuities and<br />
discontinuities, but its emphasis is on the new modes and forms of the<br />
old colonialist practices, not on a 'beyond'."7 Both post-colonialism<br />
and post-modernism emerged as related topics of engagement and<br />
investigation during the 1980s and, in many instances, seemed to take<br />
account of such works as <strong>Orientalism</strong> as antecedents. It would be<br />
impossible here to get into the immense terminological debates that<br />
surround both words, some of them dwelling at length on whether<br />
the phrases should or should not be hyphenated. The point here is<br />
therefore not to talk about isolated instances of excess or risible<br />
jargon, but to locate those currents and efforts which, from the<br />
perspective of a book published in 1978, seem to some extent now to<br />
involve it in 1994.<br />
Afterword 349<br />
Much of the most compelling work on the new political and economic<br />
order has concerned what, in a recent article, Harry Magdoff<br />
has described as "globalization," a system by which a small financial<br />
elite expanded its power over the whole globe, inflating commodity<br />
and service prices, redistributing wealth from lower income sectors<br />
(usually in the non-Western world) to the higher-income ones. S<br />
Along with this, as discussed in astringent terms by Masao Miyoshi<br />
and Arif Dirlik, there has emerged a new transnational order in<br />
which states no longer have borders, labor and income are subject<br />
only to global managers, and colonialism has reappeared in the<br />
subservience of the South to the North. 9 Both Miyoshi and Dirlik go<br />
on to show how the interest of Western academics in subjects such as<br />
multiculturalism and "post-coloniality" can in fact be a cultural and<br />
intellectual retreat from the new realities of global power: "What we<br />
need," Miyoshi says, "is a rigorous political and economic scrutiny<br />
rather than a gesture of pedagogic expediency," exemplified by the<br />
"liberal self-deception" contained in such new fields as cultural studies<br />
and multiculturalism (751).<br />
But even if we take such injunctions seriously (as we must), there<br />
is a solid basis in historical experience for the appearance today of<br />
interest in both post-modernism and its quite different counterpart<br />
post-colonialism. There is first of all the much greater Eurocentric<br />
bias in the former, and a preponderance of theoretical and aesthetic<br />
emphasis stressing the local and the contingent, as well as the almost<br />
decorative weightlessness of history, pastiche, and above all consumerism.<br />
The earliest studies of the post-colonial were by such distinguished<br />
thinkers as Anwar Abdel Malek, Samir Amin, and C. L. R.<br />
J ames, almost all based on studies of domination and control done<br />
from the standpoint of either a completed political independence or<br />
an incomplete liberationist project. Yet whereas post-modernism in<br />
one of its most famous programmatic statements (Jean-Franyois<br />
Lyotard's) stresses the disappearance of the grand narratives of<br />
emancipation and enlightenment, the emphasis behind much of the<br />
work done by the first generation of post-colonial artists and scholars<br />
is exactly the opposite: the grand narratives remain, even though<br />
their implementation and realization are at present in abeyance, deferred,<br />
or circumvented. This crucial difference between the urgent<br />
historical and political imperatives of post-colonialism and postmodernism's<br />
relative detachment makes for altogether different approaches<br />
and results, although some overlap between them (in the<br />
technique of "magical realism," for example) does exist.