Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning
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74<br />
ORIENTALISM<br />
unresolved challenge on the political, intellectual, and for a time,<br />
economic levels. For much of its history, then, <strong>Orientalism</strong> carries<br />
within it the stamp of a problematic European attitude towards<br />
Islam, and it is this acutely sensitive aspect of <strong>Orientalism</strong> around<br />
which my interest in this study turns.<br />
Doubtless Islam was a real provocation in many ways. It lay<br />
uneasily close to Christianity,. geographically and culturally. It<br />
drew on the Judeo-Hellenic traditions, it borrowed creatively from<br />
Christianity, it could boast of unrivaled military and political successes.<br />
Nor was this all. The Islamic lands sit adjacent to and even<br />
on top of the Biblical lands; moreover, the heart of the Islamic<br />
domain has always been the region closest to Europe, what has<br />
been called the Near Orient or Near East. Arabic and Hebrew<br />
are Semitic languages, and together they dispose and redispose of<br />
material that is urgently important to Christianity. From the end<br />
of the seventh century until the battle of Lepanto in 1571, Islam<br />
in either its Arab, Ottoman, or North African and Spanish form<br />
dominated or effectively threatened European Christianity. That<br />
Islam outstripped and outshone Rome cannot have been absent<br />
from the mind of any European past or present. Even Gibbon was<br />
no exception, as is evident in the following passage from the Decline<br />
and Fall:<br />
In the victorious days of the Roman republic it had been the<br />
aim of the senate to confine their councils and legions to a single<br />
war, and completely to suppress a first enemy before they provoked<br />
the hostilities of a second. These timid maxims of policy<br />
were disdained by the magnanimity or enthusiasm of the Arabian<br />
caliphs. With the same vigour and success they invaded the successors<br />
of Augustus and Artaxerxes; and the rival monarchies at<br />
the same instant became the prey of an enemy whom they had so<br />
long been accustomed to despise. In the ten years of the administration<br />
of Omar, the Saracens reduced to his obedience thirty-six<br />
thousand cities or castles, destroyed four thousand churches or<br />
temples of the unbelievers, and edified fourteen hundred moschs<br />
for the exercise of the religion of Mohammed. One hundred years<br />
after his flight from Mecca the arms and reign of his suc:cessors<br />
extended from India to the Atlantic Ocean, over the various and<br />
distant provinces. . . .54<br />
When the term Orient was not simply a synonym for the Asiatic<br />
East as a whole, or taken as· generally denoting the distant and<br />
exotic, it was most rigorously understood as applying to the Islamic<br />
The Scope of OrientaIism<br />
Orient. This "militant" Orient came to stand for what Hend Baudet<br />
has called "the Asiatic tidal wave."55 Certainly this was the case in<br />
Europe through the middle of the eighteenth century, the point at<br />
which repositories of "Oriental" knowledge like d'Herbelot's<br />
Bibliotheque orientale stop meaning primarily Islam, the Arabs, or<br />
the Ottomans. Until that time cultural memory gave understandable<br />
prominence to such relatively distant events as the fall of<br />
Constantinople, the Crusades, and the conquest of Sicily and Spain,<br />
but if these signified the menacing Orient they did not at the same<br />
time efface what remained of Asia.<br />
For there was always India, where, after Portugal pioneered<br />
the first bases of European presence in the early sixteenth century,<br />
Europe, and primarily England after a long period (from 1600 to<br />
1758) of essentially commercial activity, dominated politically as<br />
an occupying force. Yet India itself never provided an indigenous<br />
threat to Europe. Rather it was because native authority crumbled<br />
there and opened the land to inter-European rivalry and to outright<br />
European political control that the Indian Orient could be treated<br />
by Europe with such proprietary hauteur-never with the sense of<br />
danger reserved for Islam. 56 Nevertheless, between this hauteur and<br />
anything like accurate positive knowledge there existed a vast<br />
disparity. D'Herbelot's entries' for Indo-Persian subjects in the<br />
Bibliotheque were all based on Islamic sources, and it is true to<br />
say that until the early nineteenth century "Oriental languages" was<br />
considered a synonym for "Semitic languages." The Oriental<br />
renaissance of which Quinet spoke served the function of expanding<br />
some fairly narrow limits, in which Islam was the catchall Oriental<br />
example. ~7 Sanskrit, Indhm religion, and Indian history did not<br />
acquire the status of scientific knowledge until after Sir William<br />
Jones's efforts in the late eighteenth century, and even Jones's interest<br />
in India came to him by way of his prior interest in and<br />
knowledge of Islam.<br />
It is not surprising, then, that the first major work of Oriental<br />
scholarship ~fter d'Herbelot's Bibliotheque was Simon Ockley's<br />
History of the Saracens, whose first volume appeared in 1708. A<br />
recent historian of <strong>Orientalism</strong> has opined that Ockley's attitude<br />
towards. the Muslims-that to them is owed what was first known<br />
of philosophy by European Christians-"shocked painfully" his<br />
European audience. For not only did Ockley make this Islamic<br />
pre-eminence clear in his work; he also "gave Europe its first<br />
authentic and substantial taste of the Arab viewpoint touching the<br />
75