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Orientalism - autonomous learning

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74<br />

ORIENTALISM<br />

unresolved challenge on the political, intellectual, and for a time,<br />

economic levels. For much of its history, then, <strong>Orientalism</strong> carries<br />

within it the stamp of a problematic European attitude towards<br />

Islam, and it is this acutely sensitive aspect of <strong>Orientalism</strong> around<br />

which my interest in this study turns.<br />

Doubtless Islam was a real provocation in many ways. It lay<br />

uneasily close to Christianity,. geographically and culturally. It<br />

drew on the Judeo-Hellenic traditions, it borrowed creatively from<br />

Christianity, it could boast of unrivaled military and political successes.<br />

Nor was this all. The Islamic lands sit adjacent to and even<br />

on top of the Biblical lands; moreover, the heart of the Islamic<br />

domain has always been the region closest to Europe, what has<br />

been called the Near Orient or Near East. Arabic and Hebrew<br />

are Semitic languages, and together they dispose and redispose of<br />

material that is urgently important to Christianity. From the end<br />

of the seventh century until the battle of Lepanto in 1571, Islam<br />

in either its Arab, Ottoman, or North African and Spanish form<br />

dominated or effectively threatened European Christianity. That<br />

Islam outstripped and outshone Rome cannot have been absent<br />

from the mind of any European past or present. Even Gibbon was<br />

no exception, as is evident in the following passage from the Decline<br />

and Fall:<br />

In the victorious days of the Roman republic it had been the<br />

aim of the senate to confine their councils and legions to a single<br />

war, and completely to suppress a first enemy before they provoked<br />

the hostilities of a second. These timid maxims of policy<br />

were disdained by the magnanimity or enthusiasm of the Arabian<br />

caliphs. With the same vigour and success they invaded the successors<br />

of Augustus and Artaxerxes; and the rival monarchies at<br />

the same instant became the prey of an enemy whom they had so<br />

long been accustomed to despise. In the ten years of the administration<br />

of Omar, the Saracens reduced to his obedience thirty-six<br />

thousand cities or castles, destroyed four thousand churches or<br />

temples of the unbelievers, and edified fourteen hundred moschs<br />

for the exercise of the religion of Mohammed. One hundred years<br />

after his flight from Mecca the arms and reign of his suc:cessors<br />

extended from India to the Atlantic Ocean, over the various and<br />

distant provinces. . . .54<br />

When the term Orient was not simply a synonym for the Asiatic<br />

East as a whole, or taken as· generally denoting the distant and<br />

exotic, it was most rigorously understood as applying to the Islamic<br />

The Scope of OrientaIism<br />

Orient. This "militant" Orient came to stand for what Hend Baudet<br />

has called "the Asiatic tidal wave."55 Certainly this was the case in<br />

Europe through the middle of the eighteenth century, the point at<br />

which repositories of "Oriental" knowledge like d'Herbelot's<br />

Bibliotheque orientale stop meaning primarily Islam, the Arabs, or<br />

the Ottomans. Until that time cultural memory gave understandable<br />

prominence to such relatively distant events as the fall of<br />

Constantinople, the Crusades, and the conquest of Sicily and Spain,<br />

but if these signified the menacing Orient they did not at the same<br />

time efface what remained of Asia.<br />

For there was always India, where, after Portugal pioneered<br />

the first bases of European presence in the early sixteenth century,<br />

Europe, and primarily England after a long period (from 1600 to<br />

1758) of essentially commercial activity, dominated politically as<br />

an occupying force. Yet India itself never provided an indigenous<br />

threat to Europe. Rather it was because native authority crumbled<br />

there and opened the land to inter-European rivalry and to outright<br />

European political control that the Indian Orient could be treated<br />

by Europe with such proprietary hauteur-never with the sense of<br />

danger reserved for Islam. 56 Nevertheless, between this hauteur and<br />

anything like accurate positive knowledge there existed a vast<br />

disparity. D'Herbelot's entries' for Indo-Persian subjects in the<br />

Bibliotheque were all based on Islamic sources, and it is true to<br />

say that until the early nineteenth century "Oriental languages" was<br />

considered a synonym for "Semitic languages." The Oriental<br />

renaissance of which Quinet spoke served the function of expanding<br />

some fairly narrow limits, in which Islam was the catchall Oriental<br />

example. ~7 Sanskrit, Indhm religion, and Indian history did not<br />

acquire the status of scientific knowledge until after Sir William<br />

Jones's efforts in the late eighteenth century, and even Jones's interest<br />

in India came to him by way of his prior interest in and<br />

knowledge of Islam.<br />

It is not surprising, then, that the first major work of Oriental<br />

scholarship ~fter d'Herbelot's Bibliotheque was Simon Ockley's<br />

History of the Saracens, whose first volume appeared in 1708. A<br />

recent historian of <strong>Orientalism</strong> has opined that Ockley's attitude<br />

towards. the Muslims-that to them is owed what was first known<br />

of philosophy by European Christians-"shocked painfully" his<br />

European audience. For not only did Ockley make this Islamic<br />

pre-eminence clear in his work; he also "gave Europe its first<br />

authentic and substantial taste of the Arab viewpoint touching the<br />

75

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