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Orientalism - autonomous learning

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138 ORIENTALISM<br />

Orientalist Structures and Restructures<br />

139<br />

erner surveying as if from a peculiarly suited vantage point the<br />

passive, seminal, feminine, even silent and supine East, then going<br />

on to articulate the East, making the Orient deliver up its secrets<br />

under the learned authority of a philologist whose power derives<br />

from the ability to unlock secret, esoteric languages-this would<br />

persist in Renan. What did not persist in Renan during the 1840s,<br />

when he served his apprenticeship as a philologist, was the dramatic<br />

attitude: that was replaced by the scientific attitude.<br />

For Quinet and Michelet, history was a drama. Quinet suggestively<br />

describes the whole world as a temple and human history<br />

as a sort of religious rite. Both Michelet and Quinet saw the world<br />

they discussed. The origin of human history was something they<br />

could describe in the same splendid and impassioned and dramatic<br />

terms used by Vico and Rousseau to portray life on earth in primitive<br />

times. For Michelet and Quinet there is no doubt that they<br />

belong to the communal European Romantic undertaking "either<br />

in epic or some other major genre-in drama, in prose romance,<br />

or in the visionary 'greater Ode'-radically to recast into terms<br />

appropriate to the historical and intellectual circumstances of their<br />

own age, the Christian pattern of the fall, the redemption, and the<br />

emergence of a new earth which will constitute a restored<br />

paradise."3s I think that for Quinet the idea of a new god being born<br />

was tantamount to the filling of the place left by the old god; for<br />

Renan, however, being a philologist meant the severance of any and<br />

all connections with the old Christian god, so that instead a new<br />

doctrine--probably science-:-would stand free and in a new place,<br />

as it were. Renan's whole career was devoted to the fleshing out of<br />

this progress.<br />

He put it very plainly at the end of his undistinguished essay on<br />

the origins of language: man is no longer an inventor, and the age<br />

of creation is definitely over. S6 There was a period, at which we can<br />

only guess, when man was literally transported from silence into<br />

words. After that there was language, and for the true scientist the<br />

task is to examine how language is, not how it came about. Yet if<br />

Renan dispels the passionate creation of primitive times (which<br />

had excited Herder, Vico, Rousseau, even Quinet and Michelet) he<br />

instates a new, and deliberate, type of artificial creation, one that<br />

is performed as a result of scientific analysis. In his le(;on inaugurale<br />

at the College de France (February 21, 1862) Renan proclaimed<br />

his lectures open to the public so that it mi!rht see at first hand "Ie<br />

laboratoire meme de la science philologique" (the very laboratory<br />

of philological science).l!7 Any reader of Renan would have understood<br />

that such a statement was meant also to carry a typical if<br />

rather limp irony, one less intended to shock than passively to<br />

delight. For Renan was succeeding to the chair of Hebrew, and<br />

his lecture was on the contribution of the Semitic peoples to the<br />

history of civilization. What more subtle affront could there be to<br />

"sacred" history than the substitution of a philological laboratory<br />

for divine intervention in history; and what more telling way was<br />

there of declaring the Orient's contemporary relevance to be simply<br />

as material for European investigation?3S Sacy's comparatively lifeless<br />

fragments arranged in tableaux were now being replaced with<br />

something new.<br />

The stirring peroration with which Renan concluded his le(;on<br />

had another function than simply to connect Oriental-Semitic<br />

philology with the future and with science. Etienne Quatremere,<br />

who immediately preceded Renan in the chair of Hebrew, was a<br />

scholar who seemed to exemplify the popular caricature of what a<br />

scholar was like. A man of prodigiously industrious and pedantic<br />

habits, he went about his work, Renan said in a relatively unfeeling<br />

memorial minute for the Journal des debats in October 1857, like a<br />

laborious worker who even in rendering immense services nevertheless<br />

could not see the whole edifice being constructed. The edifice<br />

was nothing less than "la science historique de l'esprit humain,"<br />

now in the process of being built stone by stone. so Just as<br />

Quatremere was not of this age, so Renan in his work was determined<br />

to be of it. Moreover, if the Orient had been hitherto identified<br />

exclusively and indiscriminately with India and China, Renan's<br />

ambition was to carve out a new Oriental province for himself, in<br />

this case the Semitic Orient. He had no doubt remarked the casual,<br />

and surely current, confusion of Arabic with Sanskrit (as in Balzac's<br />

La Peau de chagrin, where the fateful talisman's Arabic script is<br />

oescribed as Sanskrit), and he made it his job accordingly to do for<br />

the Semitic languages what Bopp had done for the Indo-European:<br />

so he said in the 1855 preface to the comparative Semitic treatise.4jJ<br />

Therefore Renan's plans were to bring the Semitic languages into<br />

and glamorous focus afa Bopp, and in addition to elevate the<br />

of these neglected inferior languages to the level of a passionate<br />

new science of mind a la Louis Lambert.<br />

On more than one occasion Renan was<br />

in his asser­

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