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Defence Forces Review 2008

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Balkan Dilemma<br />

undertake the re-unification of the City of Mostar, the capital of Herzegovina. At the time of<br />

the establishment of EUAM, Mostar was firmly divided between Muslims and Croats, with a<br />

small remaining community of Serbs. Fighting in this area of the city had been very intense,<br />

not only because of the Serb offensive, but also during the conflict that erupted between the<br />

Muslims and the Croats. Effectively, EUAM was charged with the unification of the city<br />

and its various components. This process was in many ways experimental and included the<br />

reconstruction of the war torn city. EUAM was to remain for two years and as it happened<br />

it remained in the form of the EU Office of the Special Envoy (EUOSEM) for a further six<br />

months until the end of 1996 when a number of remaining functions were passed to the United<br />

Nations in the form of the Office of the High Representative (UNOHR) based in Sarajevo. The<br />

experience of EUAM is interesting from a peacekeeping point of view in that it added a new<br />

dimension to peacekeeping. Those deployed by the European Union (many being members<br />

of ECMM) were faced with what appeared to be an impossible task in a city that remained<br />

in the throes of conflict. Much has been written since about this period in an effort to explain<br />

the processes by which EUAM worked. The remit of this team included the establishment<br />

of joint institutions, including a unified police force, the reconstruction of war damaged or<br />

destroyed buildings and the facilitating of free elections (the first free elections in Bosnia and<br />

Herzegovina following the war). For half the period of its existence, EUAM operated against<br />

a background of open conflict and while open conflict ceased following the Dayton/Paris<br />

Peace Accords, EUAM continued to operate against a background of hostility and sporadic<br />

violence between the factions. Agreement on most matters was only achieved painfully and<br />

after protracted negotiation; nonetheless, EUAM managed to rebuild much of the city. It<br />

also managed to set in place a situation within which the former warring factions could deal<br />

with each other and it managed to facilitate the holding of elections. Nobody who was part<br />

of EUAM will claim that we achieved perfect success, but given the background against<br />

which we operated, EUAM can claim quite a lot of success. What distinguishes EUAM in<br />

many ways was its ability to operate in a way whereby it managed to form a rapport with all<br />

sides and to gain the respect of a great many people. People came to realise that members of<br />

EUAM had no negative agendas and of course, from a European point of view its members<br />

proved that cohesion between individuals from various European member States was not just<br />

possible, but in most respects it was also effective. In Southern Bosnia and Herzegovina, this<br />

continued when members of EUAM/OSEM were seconded to UNOHR to allow a reasonably<br />

smooth transition of responsibility from the European Union to OHR.<br />

It was at the point of the transition of responsibility from the EU to the UN over a much larger<br />

geographical area that one was able to view the peace process in a more global manner and<br />

indeed to identify the shortcomings inherent in the process. In short, it became obvious that<br />

there was something of a culture clash between those of us who had been attached to the<br />

European Union of those who were an inherent part of the United Nations. The one thing that<br />

did not change was the good relationship with NATO and if anything this relationship became<br />

stronger. It would not be possible to provide an analysis of all aspects of the peacekeeping<br />

process as it effected a region such as Herzegovina, which remained the principal area of<br />

responsibility (the AOR of OHR South included areas of Bosnia both within the Croat-Muslim<br />

Federation, the Republika Srpska and included cities such as Banja Luka, Tomislavgrad and<br />

Livno). It was at this point that the implications of the Dayton/Paris Accords became more<br />

evident and it is better to examine a number of specific aspects of the process, such as refugee<br />

99

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