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Defence Forces Review 2008

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The Nobel Lecture - 9 January 1989<br />

on the countries which provide the troops, and is also harmful to the essential principle of<br />

collective responsibility. It sends a feeble and wavering message, when what is required is<br />

confidence and strong support. Collective governmental responsibility for the financing of<br />

peacekeeping operations is an essential basic principle. However, if governments decide<br />

that the financial burden is too heavy for them to bear alone, other means of financing may<br />

have to be considered. In some cases, those who benefit financially from the results of a<br />

peacemaking and peacekeeping operation might be asked to share in the costs. A reserve<br />

fund for peacekeeping emergencies has also been suggested. A more far-reaching idea has<br />

been floated, embracing the concept of using some of the money spent on war to pay for<br />

peace through an appropriate international levy on all overseas arms sales. This money could<br />

be used to build up such a fund. As long as, regrettably, the arms trade continues, we would<br />

at least be robbing war to pay for peace. It is an interesting coincidence that the figure of<br />

1.5 billion dollars, often mentioned as the possible bill for peacekeeping in 1989, is almost<br />

exactly one percent of the official arms exports for 1987 - 164 billion dollars.<br />

A peacekeeping operation must have a workable and realistic mandate fully supported by<br />

the international community. It must also have the cooperation, however grudging, of the<br />

governments and authorities in the area of conflict, and their understanding that the operation<br />

serves their long-term interests, no matter what their short-term political difficulties may be.<br />

A peacekeeping operation needs disciplined and broadly representative contingents and an<br />

effective integrated command. The operation must be guided at all times by the Secretary-<br />

General and kept on course with the objectives of the Security Council.<br />

The nonviolent nature of peacekeeping must be understood by the soldiers and respected by<br />

the parties to the conflict. A peacekeeping force that uses its weapons for purposes other than<br />

strict self-defense quickly becomes part of the conflict and therefore part of the problem. It<br />

loses its essential quality of being above the conflict. These essential conditions seem to be<br />

present to a far greater extent than any time in the past forty years. Indeed we have come a<br />

very long way since 1948, when Secretary-General Trygve Lie’s suggestion of “a small guard<br />

force” for Palestine was dismissed without serious discussion.<br />

The situation in the Security Council is particularly encouraging. For the first time the permanent<br />

members seem to be becoming a collegial body working together with the non-permanent<br />

members and with the Secretary- General to evolve common approaches and solutions for<br />

problems of international peace and security. This development opens up new possibilities of<br />

a more general nature in arms control and disarmament and in the settlement of international<br />

disputes, as well as in the development and use for the technique of peacekeeping.<br />

Here the change in the Soviet attitude is particularly encouraging. New Soviet proposals,<br />

both as regards the future development of peacekeeping and the wider use of such operations,<br />

indicate that a major obstacle to progress has been removed. The Soviet proposals aim at<br />

seeing “the positive experience and practice of United Nations peacekeeping operations<br />

consolidated and further developed and put on a more solid legal and financial basis” so that<br />

they can be used “more extensively for the implementation of Security Council decisions as<br />

well as for the prevention of emerging armed conflicts”.<br />

63

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