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Defence Forces Review 2008

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<strong>Defence</strong> <strong>Forces</strong> <strong>Review</strong> <strong>2008</strong><br />

in the event of invasion were to go to their bunkers and stay there. General Callaghan said<br />

that he believed what he called ‘the force of international opinion’ would prevent the Israelis<br />

driving through UN lines. But we didn’t believe this, and nor, we suspected, did General<br />

Callaghan. He knew, just as we did, that if the Israelis chose to smash into Lebanon, the only<br />

international opinion that would count was that of the United States – and America was not<br />

going to oppose Israel.<br />

So the Irish came to spend three years under Israeli occupation, forced to permit Israeli<br />

troops and Shin Bet operatives to pass unhindered through checkpoints whose instructions<br />

still forbade the passage of arms in the UNIFIL area of operations. Because the Hizballahs<br />

resistance activities were concentrated further north on the barren hills around Marrakeh, it fell<br />

to the French battalion, then headquartered there., to confront the worse elements of Yitzhak<br />

Shamir’s so called ‘iron fist’ policy of assault against the villages deemed sympathetic to the<br />

Shi’ite Muslim guerrillas. Just as Irish troops had fought Haddad’s men with their fists at At-<br />

Tiri, the French fought them with their fists in Marrakeh.<br />

My only reflection on this period of 1982-5 is on the wisdom – or lack of it – which permitted<br />

Israeli Shin Bet men to be given UNIFIL permission to pass, armed, through their checkpoints.<br />

It might be said that there was no alternative. Plainclothes Israeli intelligence operatives could<br />

pass through with Israeli military patrols if they wished; indeed they sometimes did so. But<br />

making specific exception for these men was a disturbing precedent. Their activities inside<br />

the area of operations – particularly in Frenchbatt – often involved conflict with the local<br />

populations, undercover arrests and, as we quickly realised, unexplained shootings. Some<br />

of these killings were accompanied by evidence that they were not more than extra-judicial<br />

killings; what might perhaps be described as war crimes.<br />

Should UNIFIL have given these men access to the area of operations Should they have been<br />

given cards by UNIFIL – as they were on several occasions – that gave them this access<br />

Amal were later given similar documents, but this scarcely approximates to the papers that<br />

cleared Israeli general security duties (GSS) men through the UN checkpoints. In this context,<br />

it is worth quoting the words of a Hizbollah member in conversation with an Irish officer only<br />

a few months ago;<br />

“I was in Tibnin when the Israeli general security services came for<br />

me. UNIFIL made no effort to stop me being arrested. The general<br />

security services could come and take me out. They had UNIFIL cards.<br />

They took me through UNIFIL checkpoints, and the UN did not stop<br />

them. This formed my view of UNIFIL.”<br />

If those cards had not been issued, would there be easier relations today between UNIFIL<br />

troops and the Hizballah Since UNIFIL headquarters persist to this day in trying to build up<br />

the bankrupt political prestige of Amal at the expense of Hizballah, perhaps not. But I have not<br />

met an Irish solder who does not believe those cards were a mistake, a dangerous slide away<br />

from UNIFIL’s neutrality. UNIFIL, I believe, should never have given the GSS such access.<br />

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