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sub-region becoming included in an enhanced Action Plan with the EU, the Black Sea area is steadily becoming a major point of attraction and reference in the West. Bulgaria acts today as a NATO-focal point for Georgia through its Embassy in Tbilisi, while Romania is a NATO-focal point in Moldova. On 5 June 2006, Romania hosted a Black Sea Forum in Bucharest, aiming to ‘create a platform for cooperation and commitment to the development of a regional strategy and a common vision, as materialisation of a new political vision, and to identify coordination opportunities, based on this vision. 21 The EU’s involvement in both the BS Forum, as well as in the subsidiary bodies of the BSEC would no doubt enhance the prospects of result-oriented, realistic approaches in areas of mutual interest. Both, Romania and Bulgaria assume great responsibilities in assisting key-market and political reforms in those countries that aspire to be integrated in the EU, and not be blocked ‘at the doors of Europe’. The ENP sets out incentives offered to the neighbouring countries in return for concrete progress demonstrating political, economic and institutional reforms. One of these incentives is a ‘greater EU political involvement in conflict prevention and crisis management’. Since March 2006, an EU Border Assistance Mission (EUBAM) has been installed in Moldova to oversee the Ukrainian–Moldovan borders, aiming to prevent and combat ‘trafficking in drugs and human beings, money laundering and corruption’. It is almost natural that EU officials will be connected to the work of subsidiary bodies (sectoral ministerial meetings, permanent working groups, ad hoc groups of experts, etc.). However, beyond the formidable challenges that rise with the creation of a new EU policy in the ‘troubled Black Sea region’, there are some doubts present too. There is a kind of false perception in the region that a choice is to be made between the European security logic and the regional cooperation paradigm. If the first one involves a strong Justice and Home Affairs set of instruments - producing in the end taller walls and isolation, the second - underscores effective mechanisms to overcome the existing obstacles to cooperation. 22 Other doubts are cast on whether there is any added value at all to invest further efforts in the regional construction of the Black Sea organisations and multi-stakeholder structures if this is not conducive to accomplish the finalite of the integration process – a full-fledged membership of the EU. In the same time, many still have serious hesitations as to how many ‘excellent ideas’ and ‘mega-projects in infrastructure’ will be financed and implemented in the region, insofar as the ENP financing is not really overwhelming. To resolve the key constraints facing today the quality and extent of regional cooperation in the Black Sea area, one must consider a plethora of new incentives, and objectives, 21 For the concept of the Black Sea Forum for Dialogue and Partnership, see http://www.blackseaforum.org. 22 Mungiu, Alina (2006), ‘Black Sea Dilemmas’, SAR Policy Brief, no. 20, June. 98 UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC COOPERATION VIEWS FROM THE REGION
adjusting them to fit the emerging framework of cooperation between the BSEC and the EU. Most of these countries require immediate and long-standing economic growth and prosperity, which seems almost impossible given their poor infrastructures and which is also why their reform prospects remain dire. Many of them need continuous support to enhance their security sector reform, while expanding their ties with the most effective and viable frameworks of political dialogue and military affairs. Peacekeeping operations and conflict-settlement efforts must be projected in the future, but in a totally revised format – a civilian one – while negotiations must be provided for a democratic opening in the breakaway areas as a prerequisite to conflict settlement. A complementarity of tasks and labour division shall be achieved and further encouraged between the BSEC and other organisations to address overarching security concerns (GUAM, CDC, Black Sea Forum). So, what should be the individual country’s strategy: an approach towards cooperation in an area which has not yet gained a tangible international identity, or an individual plan towards EU membership; an approach focused on security-building or democracy? In particular, this implies: Engaging more actively the EU institutions in the work of the BSEC’s related bodies (Parliamentary Assembly, Business Council, Black Sea Trade and Development Bank, International Centre for Black Sea Studies) is necessary but challenging for the ‘statusquo’ thinking of some countries. It is obvious that the Synergy shall take ground in all these organisations, on the basis of complementarity, effectiveness and strategic goal to induce more peace, prosperity and Europeanization into the region. Most of the active Black Sea countries aspire to join sooner or later the major Euro-Atlantic organisations, and these intentions shall be seen as a factor of stability and cohesion. Leadership is needed to provide intellectual and political substance to the existing format of cooperation. Therefore, a dynamic specialisation of the participating parts, which are willing to contribute even with additional costs in developing various regional aspects of cooperation, and also a functional nucleus of issues to concentrate on, is vitally important to the emerging of the region. The priority fields of possible EU-BSEC interaction shall be determined on the basis of accumulated experience in regional cooperation with a view to identifying new synergies of mutual interest and compatible competences. It stands to reason that the BSEC is required to face up to the challenges of the evolving European system and to initiate a comprehensive review of the BSEC-EU standing cooperation. Ensure the active, hands-on participation of EU experts (EU Council and European Commission) in the implementation of a revised version of the Platform for Cooperation between the BSEC and the EU titled ‘BSEC-EU Interaction: The BSEC Approach’, 23 23 Text available on http://www.icbss.org. X E N O P H O N P A P E R no 2 99
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Styopa Safaryan, Elkhan Nuriyev, Ma
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International Centre for Black Sea
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The Policy of Ukraine towards the B
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INTRODUCTION Panagiota Manoli This
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‘exchange of views’ into concre
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would also ensure its integration w
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Between optimism and pessimism: Arm
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Affirming their determination to ma
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Low regional cooperation isolating
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objective of the official policies
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number of foreign tourists who also
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● ● ● conditions. The absence
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AZERBAIJAN AND THE WIDER BLACK SEA
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monopolisation of oil supplies by a
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significance of Azerbaijan as a key
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Paradoxically, Azerbaijan assumed t
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elationship between Azerbaijan, Geo
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has furthermore been a keen support
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and four of them are with regional
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The Southeast Europe Defence Minist
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NATO’s reach at the Black Sea sho
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Secondly, there is the ENP mechanis
Page 50 and 51: in the Black Sea area perceive the
Page 52 and 53: outside. There are various factors
Page 54 and 55: to start, but now all are taking of
Page 56 and 57: Trade and economic relations of Geo
Page 58 and 59: development. Nevertheless, during i
Page 60 and 61: ● ● ● ● Additional Protocol
Page 62 and 63: Although regional cooperation appea
Page 64 and 65: cooperation’ in the Strategy Pape
Page 66 and 67: the primary responsibility of the U
Page 68 and 69: through joint efforts the constant
Page 70 and 71: for the first time, and several min
Page 72 and 73: The Black Sea region has been an ar
Page 74 and 75: Based on its experience from EU int
Page 76 and 77: at a rapid pace. 14 It is estimated
Page 78 and 79: Fund of the BSEC. Along with the UN
Page 80 and 81: music, etc.). Greece has also under
Page 82 and 83: The process of opening up the dialo
Page 84 and 85: Turkish foreign policy on the other
Page 87 and 88: THE POLICY OF MOLDOVA TOWARDS THE B
Page 89 and 90: Transnistria). The region is also a
Page 91 and 92: meanings of the whole region. If th
Page 93 and 94: Ministers. This does not address ho
Page 95 and 96: establishment of parallel overlappi
Page 97 and 98: to new and diversified markets. In
Page 99: that both the EU and NATO enlargeme
Page 103 and 104: THE POLICY OF ROMANIA TOWARDS THE B
Page 105 and 106: they have undertaken. The involveme
Page 107 and 108: Along with Greece and other BSEC co
Page 109 and 110: unsettled disputes in the region on
Page 111 and 112: and timeliness of its participation
Page 113 and 114: UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC CO
Page 115 and 116: separatism. Many regional countries
Page 117 and 118: Russia’s contribution to the BSEC
Page 119 and 120: What is the balance sheet of EU-Rus
Page 121 and 122: THE POLICY OF SERBIA TOWARDS THE BS
Page 123 and 124: At the very outset of dealing with
Page 125 and 126: The very concept of various paces o
Page 127 and 128: problems concerns the first proclai
Page 129: efore the UN and other global fora.
Page 132 and 133: the terrorist attacks of 9/11 (in N
Page 134 and 135: After an enthusiastic start, howeve
Page 136 and 137: creation in the region since 1992.
Page 138 and 139: Although the initial step of the BS
Page 140 and 141: BSEC-EU Interaction after the ‘Bl
Page 142 and 143: one of the most conflict-prone regi
Page 144 and 145: The BSEC offers Ukraine the chance
Page 146 and 147: ethnic colouring. 2 Moreover, the i
Page 148 and 149: Cooperation, which took place in Ky
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A number of meetings between minist
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Ukraine has already implemented a f
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are being put forward by its member
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Strategically important transport p
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CONCLUSIONS: BALANCING NATIONAL INT
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een lagging behind the other transi
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most notably of Crime and Social Co
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School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts
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