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Nevertheless, the BSEC has advanced and has gone through three phases of institutional evolution so far. During the first two formative years of its existence (1992 – 1994) the BSEC operated as a forum. In 1994, the initiative entered its second stage of maturity by acquiring permanent bureaucratic structures and specifically a permanent international secretariat. The third stage of its evolution was marked in 1998 and the conclusion of its Charter that gave the BSEC an international legal personality and turned it into an organisation. While reading the essays included in this publication one realises that the differences among the twelve member states of the BSEC are great in terms of their national priorities and main concerns especially in security terms. The fact that the security dilemma in the region is very high has undermined the prospects for consensus building among the regional states. What has kept the twelve heterogeneous states united under the BSEC? In the absence of a grand strategy for the Organisation what has driven its institutional maturity and legal enhancement? The reluctance of its member states to empower further the organisation and its bureaucracy notwithstanding, how has it come that the BSEC represents today probably the most credible regional partner in the wider Black Sea area? What has kept united the states in the region, despite their different agendas and bilateral problems, is mainly their real need for mending or opening links of communication with their new neighbours as well as a common understanding among all member states that regional cooperation is positively assessed by the most important external anchor of modernisation, namely the European Union. An insightful reading of the papers included in this edited work would lead us to a number of observations. One of them is that not all regional states have displaced the same degree of interest in the BSEC. For all countries, foreign economic policy goals have to a large degree been served through other means and fora than the BSEC. Another observation is that the indigenous ‘epistemic community’ is absent from the debate and policy-making on Black Sea regionalism. Witness to that is the poor level of systematic academic work and research on the Black Sea affairs and the BSEC. Most of the research on the BSEC actually stems from the academic and research community beyond the Black Sea region. Thirdly, there is a lack of strategic thinking when one approaches Black Sea regionalism and the BSEC. Priorities become blurred. However, when the BSEC had a clear policy goal (e.g. strengthening relations with the EU) it managed to secure consensus and achieve it. An improvement of the overall political economy of the Black Sea region (in terms of macroeconomic stabilisation, state-building and security) is expected to push further crossborder cooperation and mark a new era in regionalism. In the last couple of years we have seen a recovery of national economies of the states of the region – which have 158 UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC COOPERATION VIEWS FROM THE REGION
een lagging behind the other transition countries in Europe – which brings a positive impact not only in making the states more active in regional cooperation but it also signifies the possible involvement of other non-state stakeholders, first among which is the business community. Interdependence in terms of the flow of goods, people and ideas is expected to boost joint regional efforts. Progress on the macroeconomic level notwithstanding, much is still to be seen in the field of institution-building and above all in addressing fundamental ‘hard’ security issues in the region. The improvement of relations between the BSEC and the EU in 2007 is a progress to be marked but it is not a remedy for all the weaknesses of Black Sea regionalism. International organisations do not operate in a vacuum. They are structures that mirror the weaknesses, the strengths along with the priorities of their member states. To prescribe a recipe for success for the BSEC one needs firstly, to address the states involved in it. A key element for the future of the Organisation is to give flesh to the existing regional structures by giving them a cause, a role to perform, a sense of direction. At the same time, like in all organisations that have moved beyond rhetoric and an ‘exchange of views’ what is needed is a ‘core’ driving force of one or more states that are willingly to act as benevolent leaders, set an agenda, maintain a minimum of consensus and bear the necessary cost of regional cooperation. All that being said, we should stress that the BSEC is beholden to the wider region in which it operates and a minimum level of order and stability is a precondition for its success. X E N O P H O N P A P E R no 2 159
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Styopa Safaryan, Elkhan Nuriyev, Ma
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International Centre for Black Sea
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The Policy of Ukraine towards the B
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INTRODUCTION Panagiota Manoli This
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‘exchange of views’ into concre
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would also ensure its integration w
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Between optimism and pessimism: Arm
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Affirming their determination to ma
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Low regional cooperation isolating
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objective of the official policies
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number of foreign tourists who also
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● ● ● conditions. The absence
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AZERBAIJAN AND THE WIDER BLACK SEA
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monopolisation of oil supplies by a
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significance of Azerbaijan as a key
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Paradoxically, Azerbaijan assumed t
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elationship between Azerbaijan, Geo
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has furthermore been a keen support
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and four of them are with regional
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The Southeast Europe Defence Minist
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NATO’s reach at the Black Sea sho
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Secondly, there is the ENP mechanis
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in the Black Sea area perceive the
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outside. There are various factors
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to start, but now all are taking of
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Trade and economic relations of Geo
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development. Nevertheless, during i
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● ● ● ● Additional Protocol
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Although regional cooperation appea
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cooperation’ in the Strategy Pape
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the primary responsibility of the U
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through joint efforts the constant
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for the first time, and several min
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The Black Sea region has been an ar
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Based on its experience from EU int
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at a rapid pace. 14 It is estimated
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Fund of the BSEC. Along with the UN
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music, etc.). Greece has also under
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The process of opening up the dialo
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Turkish foreign policy on the other
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THE POLICY OF MOLDOVA TOWARDS THE B
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Transnistria). The region is also a
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meanings of the whole region. If th
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Ministers. This does not address ho
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establishment of parallel overlappi
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to new and diversified markets. In
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that both the EU and NATO enlargeme
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adjusting them to fit the emerging
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THE POLICY OF ROMANIA TOWARDS THE B
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they have undertaken. The involveme
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Along with Greece and other BSEC co
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Page 113 and 114: UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC CO
Page 115 and 116: separatism. Many regional countries
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Page 119 and 120: What is the balance sheet of EU-Rus
Page 121 and 122: THE POLICY OF SERBIA TOWARDS THE BS
Page 123 and 124: At the very outset of dealing with
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Page 127 and 128: problems concerns the first proclai
Page 129: efore the UN and other global fora.
Page 132 and 133: the terrorist attacks of 9/11 (in N
Page 134 and 135: After an enthusiastic start, howeve
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Page 138 and 139: Although the initial step of the BS
Page 140 and 141: BSEC-EU Interaction after the ‘Bl
Page 142 and 143: one of the most conflict-prone regi
Page 144 and 145: The BSEC offers Ukraine the chance
Page 146 and 147: ethnic colouring. 2 Moreover, the i
Page 148 and 149: Cooperation, which took place in Ky
Page 150 and 151: A number of meetings between minist
Page 152 and 153: Ukraine has already implemented a f
Page 154 and 155: are being put forward by its member
Page 156 and 157: Strategically important transport p
Page 159: CONCLUSIONS: BALANCING NATIONAL INT
Page 164 and 165: most notably of Crime and Social Co
Page 166 and 167: School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts
Page 168: HELBROK ICBSS ID INOGATE INSME IPAP
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