Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
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separatism. Many regional countries are faced with the same problems. This common<br />
challenge creates sound fundamentals for cooperation. Regardless of suspicions that<br />
Russia tacitly supports rebellious autonomies in Georgia and Moldova, 4 the Kremlin<br />
strongly opposes ‘the Kosovo precedent’ which will encourage secessionist trends in<br />
the region, creating serious problems for Russian leadership.<br />
Third, to ensure uninterrupted and secure energy, trade, civil and military communications<br />
within and throughout the Black Sea and the Straits;<br />
Ankara’s threats in the 1990s to reduce the volume of Russia’s oil-tanker traffic through<br />
the Black Sea straits as well the competition for pipeline routes out of the oil-rich Caspian<br />
sea basin have been seen by Moscow as a challenge to its interests in the region. The<br />
same can be said about Turkey’s threats in 1998 both to Russia and Cyprus to take<br />
unspecified necessary ‘measures’ if Russia’s sale of a defence system to Cyprus goes<br />
through.<br />
The ‘pipeline war’ around Caspian oil was guided by the goal to reduce Russia’s leverage<br />
on Azerbaijan and to decrease Russian tanker traffic through the Black Sea straits. The<br />
signing in Athens of a long-delayed Balkan oil pipeline agreement in March 2007 will<br />
ensure the flow of cheaper Russian crude to the Mediterranean. The pipeline between<br />
the Bulgarian Black Sea port of Burgas and the Greek Aegean Sea port of Alexandroupolis,<br />
estimated to cost about $1 billion, will speed up oil transportation by bypassing the<br />
congested Turkish Bosporus, where tanker delays are costing oil companies nearly $1<br />
billion a year. It will be parallel and complementary to the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline.<br />
Still, the “pipeline war”, being in some sense a consequence of political tensions around<br />
conflicts in the region, will no doubt, in its turn, aggravate political and military<br />
contradictions, driving farther apart Russia, Armenia and Iran on the one side, and the<br />
USA, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Ukraine and Georgia on the other side, thus among other<br />
things splitting deeper the CIS and thwarting Moscow’s efforts at integration on the<br />
post-Soviet space. 5 On the 8 th of March 2007, the presidents of Poland and Ukraine<br />
proposed that an energy summit should be held in May with Azerbaijan, Georgia and<br />
Kazakhstan to discuss alternative energy pipeline routes to Europe.<br />
Fourth, to prevent new dividing lines in the region and expansion of military coalitions<br />
excluding Russia as a full member;<br />
4 Undoubtedly, there are nationalist forces in Russia who would be happy if Russia incorporates these rebellious<br />
territories. Kremlin is still a wall, albeit thin, barring the way to Russian nationalism but that Russian patience with<br />
the Western position on Kosovo is wearing thin too.<br />
5 Arbatov, Alexei (1999), ‘Security: Russia’s Choice’, EPIcenter, pp.160-188.<br />
X E N O P H O N P A P E R no 2 113