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Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS

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egion. Again, certain countries of the BSEC have gained a particular expertise in aspects<br />

of transitional and post-transitional politics that qualifies them to be leaders in particular<br />

fields of education and training. While the Russian Federation obviously stands out in<br />

most respects in relation to all other BSEC members, simply because of its size,<br />

administrative and academic capacity and experience, some smaller countries have<br />

also achieved considerable results. Bulgarian NGOs have been among the leaders in<br />

the region in developing anti-corruption policies, and their experience should be<br />

transmitted to the rest of the region.<br />

A particular facet of the kind of educational cooperation that needs to be fostered in the<br />

BSEC is the involvement of civil society. There is a shortage of expertise and managerial<br />

efficiency in the state institutions when they are faced with the need to act very quickly<br />

to address the educational needs of specific target groups, while NGOs, which, until some<br />

years ago, had matured through a long and arduous process of competing with<br />

monopolistic states in most of the then-transitional countries that are now members of<br />

the BSEC, have also developed these specific skills.<br />

Diplomatic training appears as one of the most pliable areas for cooperation, because<br />

it is based on certain common methodological principles, and the foreign policy priorities<br />

of most BSEC countries are highly compatible and largely EU-centred. Yet, even this<br />

particular aspect of education involves certain potential controversies, such as the<br />

importance and interpretation of international law. Serbia, for example, emerges from<br />

a tradition whereby practically the entire diplomacy has been conceived as being<br />

fundamentally based on international law; thus most of the diplomatic training in the<br />

recent past has included a great deal of international law. The latest developments in<br />

the practice of diplomacy question this approach, and Serbia faces this controversy in<br />

a particularly painful way, through the final phases of the determination of the status of<br />

Kosovo, underway during the writing of this paper.<br />

A multi-layered region<br />

The BSEC is a regional organisation that, despite all the commonalities between its<br />

member states, exhibits, at the same time, considerable disparities partly due to the<br />

different stage of European integration the states find themselves in. One of the most<br />

obvious issues in this light is the freedom of movement, where citizens of some member<br />

countries face virtually no visa barriers, while those of other still struggle with grinding<br />

processes of visa approval that jeopardise not just the idea of a free and equal membership<br />

in a regional organisation, but also threaten the enthusiasm for the transition process<br />

that leads towards the EU. There is space for the BSEC as an organisation to lobby for<br />

a more equal treatment of all the countries and for the inclusion of those that have not<br />

yet achieved the candidacy status for the EU on the ‘white Schengen lists’, thus minimising<br />

the practical differences in the treatment of citizens from different BSEC member states.<br />

122 UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC COOPERATION VIEWS FROM THE REGION

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