Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
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has furthermore been a keen supporter of updating the BSEC agenda in order to keep<br />
the organisation relevant in an ever changing world. In that regard, the BSEC’s decisions<br />
to add a security dimension (in the soft sense) to its portfolio was a necessary and<br />
welcome step. Thus, the BSEC could address a wide array of interests and concerns,<br />
pertinent to the problems of the Black Sea (organised crime, environmental hazards,<br />
etc.) as well as be relevant to the enhancement of its assets (trade, development, major<br />
bridge for transiting goods and energy resources between Asia and Europe).<br />
Bulgaria’s attitude and policies within the BSEC, though part of the broader Black Sea<br />
policy of Bulgaria in recent years, has been dominated by other policy concerns such<br />
as achieving membership in North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the European<br />
Union, energy security issues, etc.<br />
Bulgaria’s regional policies<br />
Bulgaria has two priorities in its regional foreign policy. The first priority is the Balkans,<br />
where Bulgaria maintains a traditional interest. Developments in the western part of the<br />
peninsula throughout the 1990s have been of special concern to Bulgaria because of<br />
the fear of a potential spill-over. Additionally, the Western Balkans exemplifies the vital<br />
geographic link between Bulgaria and important trade and political partners in Western<br />
Europe.<br />
The Black Sea region represents Bulgaria’s second most important regional priority.<br />
The region has not until recently been an area of particularly active involvement which<br />
applies as much to Bulgaria as to other western countries. The reasons for Bulgaria’s<br />
own relative lack of attention stemmed from the country’s primary preoccupation with<br />
domestic reform and the two critical foreign policy goals of joining the European Union<br />
and the NATO. In geopolitical terms, throughout the 1990s, the country lied in the ‘grey<br />
zone’ of insecurity of Central and Eastern Europe. The EU and the United States (US)<br />
were then deeply engaged with the post-Yugoslav break up, and the eastern shores of<br />
the Black Sea seemed at the time distant. Despite the fact that the country was a member<br />
of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation since its establishment in 1992, there was only<br />
an occasional interest to potential energy infrastructure projects such as the AMBO 3 and<br />
the Bourgas - Alexandroupolis oil pipelines or the Transport Corridor Europe-Caucasus-<br />
Asia (TRACECA) infrastructure initiative. Though conceived as early as the mid-1990s,<br />
these initiatives never materialised as they lacked not only financial support but, more<br />
importantly, they were never set within a broader policy strategy. In fact, projects of<br />
such scale in an unstable region require a political rationale before any funding could<br />
be expected.<br />
3 Albania-Macedonia (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia)-Bulgaria Oil-pipeline.<br />
38 UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC COOPERATION VIEWS FROM THE REGION