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Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS

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are being put forward by its member states, thus complicating the coordination of efforts<br />

for common projects. Russia, on its term, tries to maintain a status of superpower heir<br />

of the USSR and to keep a traditional sphere of influence in the Black Sea region. Difficulties<br />

in Russia’s internal transformation and limited resources have narrowed these aspirations<br />

mainly to the region of the CIS in the first years after the collapse of the USSR. That is<br />

why Russia had a quite passive position in the BSEC programs. Only after 1995 did the<br />

Russian Federation actually develop a policy toward the region.<br />

First of all, Russia concentrates its efforts on keeping control over oil and gas pipelines<br />

and the main traffic of goods on railways, motorways and airways in the countries of<br />

Central Asia. Moscow shows a special interest in forcing Azerbaijan and other interested<br />

parties to agree to the transport of Caspian oil from Azerbaijan, through Russian oil<br />

pipelines and ports. In the last years, relations between Russia, on the one side, and<br />

Georgia and Ukraine, on the other, have greatly deteriorated. Russia’s policies are<br />

therefore aimed at maintaining the inviolability of its strategic interests in the region,<br />

which translates into dictating terms to other states in the region. The Russian Federation<br />

has done everything in its power to prevent political, economic and military efforts in<br />

Transcaucasus as well as to obstruct third states from having influence in the region (chiefly<br />

Turkey, the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany and Iran).<br />

Turkey hopes to assert its own strong geopolitical position and to increase its economic<br />

power. Market reforms in the countries of the region are oriented not on the development<br />

of small and medium-size businesses but on the modernisation and transformation of<br />

the public sector, which unfortunately comes at the expense of international financial<br />

support. This fact also influences the Turkish position towards the BSEC which has<br />

been disappointing to the other members of the organisation. Greece as an EU member<br />

tries to use the advantages of a “mediator” role in relations with other countries of the<br />

BSEC, in particular in exploiting financial possibilities. For this, Greece has concentrated<br />

its efforts on the development of concrete projects, carried out with the financial support<br />

of the EU (the foundation of the BSTDB, the creation of the <strong>ICBSS</strong>, etc.).<br />

Greece’s initiatives are widely supported by Bulgaria, Romania and to a certain degree<br />

by Ukraine whose main foreign policy priority is joining the EU. In this respect, the<br />

elaboration of concrete projects could be an attempt to further cooperation in the Black<br />

Sea region through state interaction with international structures, which indirectly conduce<br />

to the processes of European integration.<br />

The South Caucasus countries concentrate their efforts on solving inner problems and settling<br />

disputes with neighbours. Their contribution to the development of the BSEC is so far<br />

minimum. Only Georgia for example actively conducts environmental protection activities.<br />

Unfortunately, achievements by the BSEC in creating a regional market and establishing<br />

cooperation in the field of investments remain limited. Trade among regional states has<br />

152 UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC COOPERATION VIEWS FROM THE REGION

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