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Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS

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Bulgaria is all too familiar with those dilemmas, which qualifies the country as a model<br />

of both negative and positive experience for its eastern neighbours. After the fall of<br />

Todor Zhivkov in 1989 the country did not wake up with a clear plan on what to do next.<br />

Political liberalisation was soon followed by economic liberalisation and the swift flourishing<br />

of a multiparty system, but this did not mean that there was a long-term set of intertwined<br />

political, institutional and economic reforms. The strategic choice was not clear either.<br />

In the realm of European integration, despite the fact that a Europe Agreement was<br />

signed in 1993, 18 serious political will was lacking to undertake the necessary reforms<br />

for joining the EU. In the area of security, Bulgaria long deliberated its strategic choice,<br />

leaving it ‘free floating’. The Warsaw Pact was long gone and the country seemed for a<br />

while in ‘a splendid isolation’. Bulgaria witnessed then the ongoing conflicts of the former<br />

Yugoslavia but did not attempt to seek integration into NATO, which would have logically<br />

provided a security umbrella in the volatile Balkans. The armed forces reforms initiated<br />

during this period were more of a reaction to the weakness of the economy to sustain<br />

a large army and were thus neither well-planned nor implemented properly, resulting<br />

in more harm than good. Concerning the economy and institution building, a series of<br />

weak governments were not able to deliver any results, which ultimately led to the severe<br />

crisis of 1996 - financial, social and political. In 1997, a new government came to power<br />

with the mandate to finally start reforms and make up for seven lost years. It was also<br />

clear that there were no piece-meal solutions this time. Bulgaria set two firm foreign<br />

policy goals – membership in NATO and the EU – that informed and guided its internal<br />

reform agenda. Accession into the EU and NATO became part and parcel of the same<br />

reform package for all Central and Eastern European states, Bulgaria included. The late<br />

start of reforms in Bulgaria had a historic chance to exploit the window of opportunity<br />

opened by the EU’s and NATO’s decision to push forward with enlargement. Thus,<br />

Bulgaria in tandem with Romania had to catch up quickly to join both NATO in 2004 and<br />

recently in 2007 – the EU, their integration being officially part of the same fifth wave of<br />

EU enlargement together with the rest of Central European states and the Baltic countries.<br />

The lesson learnt by Bulgaria and the other new members of the EU and NATO was that<br />

reforms constitute a two-way process. On the one hand, there has to be a political will<br />

in the host country to carry out reforms. On the other hand, these reforms can be best<br />

implemented if aided by a supportive institutional network – in this case of NATO and<br />

the EU.<br />

The picture described above is of course simplified for analytical purposes. This cannot<br />

become a call for a ‘grand strategy’ of democratisation and integration into the Western<br />

institutions. It suffices to say that any country wishing to take this road is welcome and<br />

should be supported. These agendas cannot and should not be imposed from the<br />

18 General information about the accession of Bulgaria to the EU is available at http://www.euractiv.<br />

com/en/enlargement/eu-bulgaria-relations/article-129603.<br />

X E N O P H O N P A P E R no 2 49

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