Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS
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Looking back in time, one cannot but recognise that Russia has not found her proper<br />
place in the Euro-Atlantic space and failed to formulate a viable strategy for the CIS. The<br />
euphoria brought about by the disintegration of the USSR was replaced in Russia with<br />
a sense of loss and defeat, and not on the distant approaches but in its immediate<br />
neighbourhood. The ‘reassembling’ of the CIS under the aegis of Russia and the challenge<br />
of concrete problems prompted its leadership to establish ‘special relationships’ with<br />
the CIS states, which at the end of the day boiled down to Russia playing the role of a<br />
donor to post-Soviet Newly Independent States. The regional post-Soviet states who were<br />
gravitating towards the EU and NATO and didn’t see in Russia an attractive model for<br />
their political and socio-economic evolution, could not, however, resist the temptation<br />
of making an advantage of their ‘special relations’ with Russia when it served their<br />
interests (first and foremost, by benefiting from special low prices for Russian gas and<br />
oil). Russia’s emphasis on more pragmatic market relations with her closest neighbours<br />
in the energy sphere brought about accusations of political blackmail and pressures visà-vis<br />
these countries.<br />
The absence of strategic goals in Russia’s relations with NATO and the EU, given their<br />
policy of eastward enlargement, inevitably strengthened and continues to strengthen<br />
the ‘great power’ sentiments of the Russian political elite, as well as its fears of a Western<br />
strategy of ‘squeezing’ Moscow out of the zone of its vital interests – the CIS. The<br />
enlargement of the EU, initially perceived as an objective process in the development<br />
of a post-bipolar Europe, is increasingly seen by many in Russia as a source of new<br />
challenges, and not only in connection with the problem of Kaliningrad (territorial integrity<br />
of Russia, passenger and cargo transit, etc.), but also in connection with rivalries in the<br />
post-Soviet space. Furthermore, the enlargement of the EU and NATO to the East has<br />
traditionally been presented by Brussels as mutually complementary processes.<br />
Furthermore, although NATO membership as an obligatory condition of EU membership<br />
is not written into the Copenhagen Criteria, the latest enlargement of the European<br />
Union to the post-communist countries of Central Europe attests that it has become an<br />
obligatory condition de facto. First, these countries become part of the Western security<br />
system and only afterwards can they count on EU membership. When applied to the<br />
CIS, this practice creates serious problems in the relations with Russia and is sure to<br />
increase confrontational trends in Europe. In other words, the proclaimed principle of<br />
mutual ‘complementation’ of the EU and NATO enlargement is obviously and dangerously<br />
at odds with Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet space.<br />
Undoubtedly, the BSEC structure cannot resolve all contradictions between Russia, the<br />
NIS and external actors but it creates a favourable environment for transforming competition<br />
into cooperation by developing concrete regional projects.<br />
114 UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC COOPERATION VIEWS FROM THE REGION