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Xenophon Paper 2 pdf - ICBSS

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and deeply imbedded controversies as it was for the countries of Central Europe? In<br />

her introduction to the Chaillot <strong>Paper</strong> no. 70: The Western Balkans: Moving on, Judy<br />

Butt rightly points out: “The common declared aim of the EU and the states of the region<br />

is to repeat the success of the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe<br />

(CEE) which acceded to EU membership in May 2004. This laudable aim, however,<br />

begs the question of whether that success story can be directly replicated in the much<br />

more complex conditions of the Western Balkans. (...) And if these countries are a special<br />

case (or rather, a set of very diverse special cases), is the EU ready?” 7 In addition, is<br />

Greece as the European champion of the Black Sea region really able to lead such a<br />

diverse and complicated group of countries through the BSEC towards a full EU<br />

membership? Or is the BSEC an organisation bereft of such major potential, and really<br />

endowed with the capacity to foster some regional advantages and relative progress in<br />

certain technical areas?<br />

On reflection, it would appear that the BSEC as a regional organisation must have<br />

greater aspirations than just facilitating trade and communication among its members.<br />

For example, security issues arising from territorial disintegration, difficulties encountered<br />

in fighting organised crime, especially the various forms of illicit trafficking in the region,<br />

immediately give rise to more global concerns, as all these problems have a broader<br />

resonance than just the Black Sea area. One of the most painful problems is the issue<br />

of territorialisation of ethnic rights and political aspirations as it is exemplified in the<br />

example of Kosovo and Metohija.<br />

Kosovo and Metohija<br />

The capacity of any organisation, including international ones, is reflected in its ability<br />

to address the most complex issues that fall within its competence. For the BSEC,<br />

Kosovo and Metohija is obviously such an issue, and the ways in which the BSEC may<br />

be able to incorporate the dialogue between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija<br />

after the status negotiations, with their very different perspectives on issues such as<br />

statehood and the bounds of international law, arising from their opposed interests, will<br />

clearly reflect the degree of development of the BSEC itself.<br />

While the status negotiations on Kosovo and Metohija are out of the hands of regional<br />

organisations, including the BSEC, and are the exclusive prerogative of the negotiating<br />

parties and, in the final instance, the UN Security Council, the consequences of any<br />

outcome will most certainly create issues that will have to be managed on a daily level<br />

by the BSEC member countries, including both Kosovo and Metohija’s neighbours and<br />

the other countries of the region indirectly linked to the area. One of the most obvious<br />

7 Batt, Judy (2004), ‘Introduction: the stabilisation/integration dilemma’, The Western Balkans Moving on, Challiot<br />

<strong>Paper</strong>, no. 70, Institute for Security Studies, European Union, Paris, p. 7.<br />

124 UNFOLDING THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC COOPERATION VIEWS FROM THE REGION

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