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Financial Sector Development in Africa: Opportunities ... - World Bank

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The Potential of Pro-Market Activism for F<strong>in</strong>ance <strong>in</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>: A Political Economy Perspective 195<br />

distorted the lend<strong>in</strong>g decisions of government-owned banks so that many<br />

of them ended up lend<strong>in</strong>g to the wealthy and politically connected.<br />

Often public banks were used to make up for the losses of <strong>in</strong>efficient<br />

public enterprises; central banks also served to f<strong>in</strong>ance the state apparatus<br />

more generally (Brownbridge, Harvey, and Gockel 1998). For <strong>in</strong>stance,<br />

the Uganda Commercial <strong>Bank</strong> (UCB), which used to be the country’s<br />

largest public sector bank, failed to adequately appraise or monitor loans<br />

or to pursue their recovery because of the political nature of lend<strong>in</strong>g. The<br />

discipl<strong>in</strong>e of UCB’s borrowers was low because they often regarded such<br />

loans as rewards for political support and, <strong>in</strong> some <strong>in</strong>stances, politicians<br />

also told their constituents that loans from government banks need not<br />

be repaid (Nsereko 1995, 28–29). As a consequence, loan recovery rates<br />

for the lend<strong>in</strong>g schemes adm<strong>in</strong>istered by Ugandan public banks were<br />

below 50 percent <strong>in</strong> the 1980s, and banks mostly failed to reach their<br />

targeted clientele (Brownbridge 1998a, 129–31).<br />

Moreover, <strong>in</strong> many <strong>Africa</strong>n countries, positions <strong>in</strong> development banks<br />

were used by public authorities to reward political clients. This may<br />

expla<strong>in</strong> why the Nigeria Education <strong>Bank</strong>, a public <strong>in</strong>stitution <strong>in</strong>tended to<br />

f<strong>in</strong>ance the higher education sector, had failed to make a s<strong>in</strong>gle loan seven<br />

years after it was established, despite employ<strong>in</strong>g 261 staff <strong>in</strong> 21 offices<br />

(Alawode et al. 2000, 55). The political costs of lay<strong>in</strong>g off excess staff<br />

were a key obstacle to the privatization of government banks as part of<br />

the f<strong>in</strong>ancial reform process.<br />

Private banks <strong>in</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> also failed to serve the real economy <strong>in</strong> a way<br />

that <strong>in</strong>creased broad-based private <strong>in</strong>vestment and <strong>in</strong>stead provided<br />

f<strong>in</strong>ancial resources ma<strong>in</strong>ly to the government and a small economic elite.<br />

Us<strong>in</strong>g political pressure, politicians and politically connected private<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestors <strong>in</strong> some countries appear to have been able to access loans from<br />

private banks at below-market rates, to fail to repay them, and to resist<br />

repayment successfully when banks took action to recover the loans.<br />

Moreover, <strong>Africa</strong>n governments, chronically <strong>in</strong> fiscal crisis, used not only<br />

direct measures such as lend<strong>in</strong>g requirements to public enterprises but<br />

also <strong>in</strong>direct measures such as <strong>in</strong>terest rate controls or high reserve<br />

requirements to govern private banks so as to f<strong>in</strong>ance the state apparatus<br />

(Brownbridge, Harvey, and Gockel 1998; Daumont, Le Galle, and Leroux<br />

2004).<br />

At the same time, private banks, <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple opposed to such government<br />

<strong>in</strong>terference <strong>in</strong> the bank<strong>in</strong>g sector, often came to a profitable modus<br />

vivendi with the government. In many <strong>Africa</strong>n countries, such as<br />

Botswana, Kenya, and Ghana, private banks did not have to compete with

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