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THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

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Although the Authorized Version proclaimed itself to be ‘Appointed to be read in Churches’ no formal<br />

authorization was ever given to it. Its consistent dignity of expression, its memorable cadences, its felicitous, if<br />

limited, choice of vocabulary, and its general intelligibility meant, however, that it effectively displaced its rivals<br />

within the space of a generation. Its translations of certain familiar passages, such as the 40th chapter of Isaiah<br />

(‘Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your God ...’), the 37th chapter of Ezekiel (‘The hand of the<br />

[p. 192]<br />

Lord was upon me, and carried me out in the spirit of the Lord, and set me down in the midst of the valley which was<br />

full of bones ...’), the 5th, 6th, and 7th chapters of the Gospel according to St Matthew (containing the Sermon on the<br />

Mount), the opening verses of St John’s Gospel (‘In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and<br />

the Word was God ...’), or St Paul’s famous account of Christian Love (I Corinthians 13, ‘Though I speak with the<br />

tongues of men, and of angels, and have not charity, I am become as sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal ...’) have<br />

often been integral to how English-speaking readers since 1611 have understood the majesty and simplicity of the<br />

Word of God. For some three and a half centuries it has formed a vital link between the divided English and Scottish<br />

Churches and the linguistically distinct English and Scottish nations. It has also been hallowed, memorized, quarried,<br />

cited, and echoed by a whole variety of Christian opinion wherever English came to be spoken. Despite its occasional<br />

mistranslations, its awkwardnesses, and its misreadings which have niggled subsequent scholars, it was not<br />

substantially revised until 1881-5. The Authorized Version triumphantly managed both to sum up and to embrace the<br />

best aspects of all the translations that had preceded it. No modern version has ever approached its richness and its<br />

resonance.<br />

Andrewes and Donne<br />

In 1618, as proof of his active interest in the theological basis of the religious divisions of Europe, James I sent a<br />

group of English churchmen to the great Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church convened at Dort (Dordrecht) in the<br />

Netherlands. Representatives from Lutheran Germany and from the Calvinist Churches of Switzerland and France<br />

were also invited. James’s decision to send English observers stemmed not simply from his interest in the contentious<br />

subject of the Synod - the disruptions caused by the teaching of the unorthodox Dutch theologian Arminius - but also<br />

from a long-held desire for reconciliation between the Protestant powers of Europe. In the event, the revisionist<br />

doctrines of Arminius were condemned and his followers were dismissed from their official posts. The Synod of Dort<br />

had only a limited impact on the affairs of the English Church. For the many Calvinists within its body the<br />

reaffirmation of the doctrine of Predestination, which Arminius had questioned, and the return to the asperity of the<br />

strict discipline of the Reformed Church were welcome gestures. To certain prominent Anglicans, however, the Synod<br />

confirmed a deep-seated distaste for the extremes of Calvin’s teaching and for the practice of the Genevan and Dutch<br />

Churches. It was against them that the word ‘Arminian’ was sneeringly, if inaccurately, employed in the increasingly<br />

vituperative debate, between advocates of continued Reformation in the Church of England and those who tenaciously<br />

held to the ideal of the Anglican compromise and to its<br />

[p. 193]<br />

twin pillars, both of them anathema to Puritans: episcopal government and liturgical worship.<br />

In 1621, with some reluctance, James I appointed William Laud (1573-1645) to the see of St Davids. ‘He hath a<br />

restless spirit and cannot see when matters are well’, the King is said to have remarked, ‘but loves to toss and change<br />

and to bring things to a pitch of reformation floating in his own brain’. Laud proved himself a vigorous and forthright<br />

defender of the Anglican position, both in written controversy with the Jesuit John Percy (known as ‘Fisher the<br />

Jesuit’) over the nature of ‘Catholicity’ and in his assaults on the supposed ‘indiscipline’ of Puritans within his own<br />

Church. Under Charles I his promotion was rapid. He became in turn Bishop of Bath and Wells in 1626 and of<br />

London in 1628 and in 1633 he was elevated to the archbishopric of Canterbury. As the would-be imposer of<br />

liturgical uniformity and as an encourager of a modestly baroque ritual and decoration within churches, he aroused<br />

intense hostility among his opponents, alienating both potential friends and convinced foes alike. His sporadic<br />

ruthlessness as an administrator and his close association with the King became one of the prime causes of active<br />

opposition to the policies of the court voiced within the House of Commons and beyond it. In 1641 he was impeached<br />

for high treason by a predominantly Puritan Parliament and imprisoned in the Tower of London. He was belatedly<br />

tried in 1644 and executed on Tower Hill in January 1645.<br />

The ‘Arminian’ Laud’s failure to impose an acceptable and lasting degree of uniformity on English and, by

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