THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
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[p. 73]<br />
The yettis [gates] of hell ar brokin with a crak,<br />
The signe triumphall rasit is of the croce,<br />
The divillis trymmillis [tremble] with hiddous voce,<br />
The saulis ar borrowit [redeemed] and to the blis can go<br />
Chryst with his blud our ransonis dois indoce [endorse]:<br />
Surrexit Dominus de sepulchro.<br />
The vitality of Dunbar’s religious lyrics is balanced by the resignation which informs his meditation on human<br />
mortality, the Lament for the Makaris. The poet, ‘trublit now with gret seiknes’, and seemingly haunted by the<br />
reiterated refrain with which he closes each of his twenty-five four-line stanzas (‘Timor mortis conturbat me’, ‘the<br />
fear of death troubles me’), links himself to a line of dead English and Scots poets (‘makars’ or ‘makers’). The poem<br />
is both a muted celebration of his art and a preparation for a death which he sees as rendering negative the<br />
pretensions of princes, prelates, potentates, physicians, and poets alike. It would not have been lost on Dunbar’s first<br />
readers that he heads his list of names of distinguished poets with those of ‘noble Chaucer, of makeris flour’, of<br />
Lydgate, and of Gower. The poem may end with the suggestion that the hope of heaven may raise the eyes of the<br />
believer from a contemplation of dust, but the Lament itself seems to raise the more earthly hope that poetry can be<br />
instrumental in alerting the human soul to its potential.<br />
Late Medieval Drama<br />
‘I am sent from God: Deth is my name’, the figure of Mors announces as he ominously intrudes into King Herod’s<br />
feast and prepares to strike the over-confident king: ‘To hym wyl I go and geve hym such an hete | That all the lechis<br />
[doctors] of the londe his lyf xul [shall] nevyr restore’. Mors’s unwelcome intrusion probably delighted certain<br />
members of the original audiences of the cycle of English mystery plays in which the incident occurs (Herod had been<br />
portrayed as a ranting villain and his sudden demise may have stimulated a certain sense of satisfaction). To other<br />
observers, the entry of the figure of death may have provoked an acute and chilling unease. At the end of the cycle of<br />
plays, God proclaims the Day of Judgement. A virtuous soul welcomes the event and the opening prospect of heaven;<br />
the sinful souls, by contrast, dread the ‘hydous horne’ that summons them to judgement: ‘Allas! for drede sore may<br />
we quake, | Oure dedis (deeds] beis oure dampnacioune’. The texts of the four surviving cycles of religious dramas are<br />
none of them earlier than the mid-fifteenth century, though all four would seem to have originated in the late<br />
fourteenth century when vivid memories of the Black Death must have rendered the idea of the four last things -<br />
death, judgement, heaven, and hell - perilously familiar. The cycles stress the goodness and the grace of God, but they<br />
also point to his awesome power and the justice of his purposes. They trace the history of the divine will from the fall<br />
of Lucifer, through the creation of the world and the fall of Adam, to Christ’s acts of redemption. They end with a<br />
calculated bang as God’s ‘for-thoght’ is fulfilled in the ending of ‘all erthely thyng’.<br />
English theatre had its formal beginnings in the Latin liturgical enactments of the Church, certain of which were<br />
dramatized for particular effect on major feast-days. On Palm Sunday, for example, the faithful processed bearing<br />
palms<br />
[p. 74]<br />
in imitation of the people of Jerusalem and they heard the great passion narrative chanted by various voices, each<br />
playing a distinctive role (as Jesus, Pilate, Peter, etc.). On the greatest of all feasts, Easter, an instructive prelude to<br />
the main Mass of the day acted out the visit of the three Maries to the empty tomb of Christ (though the Maries were<br />
decorously played by men vested in albs and copes). It would seem that the greatest stimulus to non-liturgical<br />
religious drama was provided by the institution of the feast of Corpus Christi in the Western Church in 1264. The new<br />
feast, generally observed in England from 1318, required that the Blessed Sacrament be ceremoniously carried round<br />
the streets of the parish. In greater towns the procession would have been accompanied by guildsmen, representative<br />
of various established trades, dressed in livery and bearing the banners of their craft. In England, as in other European<br />
countries, this summer feast-day also became the focus of urban street theatre organized under the auspices of these<br />
same, largely secular, guilds. The guilds added to their prestige not only by commissioning and maintaining the texts<br />
of the plays that they engaged to perform, but also by making and storing the costumes, the stage-properties and,<br />
above all, the movable platforms which the performances required. Records survive of the annual productions of the<br />
cycles in many British cities, from Aberdeen to Canterbury, but the complete texts of the plays exist only for York