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THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

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In the hands of John Foxe’s friend and ally, the former Carmelite friar, John Bale (1495-1563), the moral<br />

interlude was severed from its increasingly weak Catholic doctrinal roots to become a vehicle for Protestant polemic.<br />

Bale, an early protege of Archbishop Cranmer’s, was the author of some twenty-one plays, all of them written in the<br />

years 1533-43. His Kyng Johan of c. 1536 is often claimed as the first English drama to be based on national history,<br />

though it uses that history exclusively to make narrow propagandist points and it balances its gestures towards<br />

presenting historically based characters with traditional enough embodiments of virtue and vice. King John, the<br />

victim of papal displeasure in the early thirteenth century, is shown as a brave precursor of Henry VIII trying to free<br />

‘Widow England’ from the oppressive grip of ‘the wild boar of Rome’. Bale's Three Lawes, and the plays that stem<br />

from it, God’s<br />

[p. 104]<br />

Promises, John the Baptist, and The Temptation of Our Lord, all consider the human corruption of the divine scheme<br />

of redemption. All four plays equate the distortion of the pure Law of Christ with the former triumphs of the papal<br />

Antichrist, and all four look to individual repentance and general reformation as a means of restoring humankind to<br />

grace. When, for example, Christ is tempted by Satan in the fourth play, his adversary approaches in the guise of a<br />

dim-witted hermit who at first pretends not to recognize biblical quotations (‘We religious men live all in<br />

contemplation: | Scriptures to study is not our occupation’). Once exposed for what he really is, he gleefully proclaims<br />

to Jesus that his prime allies in his scheme to corrupt the Church will in future be popes.<br />

Very little that indicates a particularly vigorous Catholic response to Protestant dramatic propaganda has survived.<br />

Much of the acceptable drama performed or revived in Queen Mary’s reign suggests a tactful avoidance of contentious<br />

issues. John Heywood (1497-?1579), a loyal Catholic who claimed to have achieved the difficult feat of making the<br />

Queen smile, was prepared to expose the long-familiar peccadilloes of hypocritical pardoners and friars, but he chose<br />

to do so in the form of untidy farces with tidily orthodox conclusions, such as The playe called the foure PP (which<br />

ends with a declaration of loyalty to the ‘Church Universal’) and The Pardoner and the Friar (which arbitrarily<br />

concludes with attempts by the parson and the constable to drive the hypocrites away). Nicholas Udall (1504-56), a<br />

schoolmaster who, despite his earlier unconcealed Protestant sympathies, managed to find favour in the palaces of<br />

Queen Mary and of her Lord Chancellor, Bishop Gardiner, concentrated on writing plays for the boys in his charge.<br />

The comedies ascribed to Udall, most notably Ralph Roister Doister (c. 1552), suggest a writer, well versed in the<br />

work of Plautus and Terence, who possessed a modest talent for finding English equivalents to the stock characters of<br />

the ancients. The text of Ralph Roister Doister is divided, on the ancient model, into acts and scenes, but its<br />

boisterous language, its songs, and its tediously rhymed doggerel are confidently those of modern London and not just<br />

a dim reflection of ancient Rome. The influence of Terence also shows in the five-act structure of the anonymous<br />

Gammer Gurtons Nedle, a comedy first performed at Christ’s College, Cambridge, probably in the early 1560s (it was<br />

printed in 1575). The play’s ‘low’, rustic, and somewhat slight subject (the loss of Gammer Gurton’s needle during<br />

the mending of a pair of leather breeches and its painful rediscovery when the owner of the breeches is kicked in the<br />

backside) is decidedly unacademic (at least in the narrow sense of that term). Although its author was determined to<br />

squeeze what entertainment value he could out of a series of trivial domestic crises, the very shapeliness of the play<br />

suggests a degree of subtlety and structural sophistication new in English comedy.<br />

English universities and many of the schools that fed them with literate students shared the pan-European vogue<br />

for reviving and performing classical plays and for sponsoring new entertainments which would show of the<br />

[p. 105]<br />

proficiency of their authors and actors. Children’s companies, and notably the boys of the Chapel Royal in London,<br />

remained a significant feature in the development of Elizabethan drama, but it was the revival of interest in classical<br />

tragedy that proved decisive in the evolution of a distinctive national mode. Native English tragedy was distinctly<br />

marked by the bloody, high-flown, and sombre influence of Seneca. Between 1559 and 1561 Jasper Heywood (1535-<br />

98), the younger son of the author of The playe called the foure PP, published English translations of Seneca’s Troas,<br />

Thyestes, and Hercules Furens. His enterprise was matched in the mid-1560s by workmanlike English versions of<br />

four further tragedies, all by young graduates determined to demonstrate that the art of the heathen Seneca could<br />

provide Christian England with a lesson in moral gravity and, equally importantly, with a salutary example of<br />

dramatic decorum. His plays were seen as model structures, suggesting the serene workings out of divine justice and<br />

revealing the effects of human vengeance; they dwelt on the vicissitudes of earthly fortune and they traced the tragic<br />

falls of men of high degree; above all, they expressed pithy moral sentiments with an exaggeratedly rhetorical<br />

flourish.<br />

When Sir Philip Sidney claimed in his Defence of Poesie that Thomas Norton and Thomas Sackville’s Gorboduc<br />

was ‘full of stately speeches and well sounding Phrases, clyming to the height of Seneca his stile, and as full of

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