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THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

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notable moralitie’, he was offering what would have struck his contemporaries as the zenith of praise. Gorboduc,<br />

sometimes known by its alternative title The Tragidie of Ferrex and Porrex, remains perhaps the most striking and<br />

novel of the dramas produced in the opening years of Queen Elizabeth’s reign. It does more than naturalize Seneca<br />

for an educated English audience; it attempts to harness the potential of national history and myth as a dramatic<br />

contribution to an extended political discourse. The play, first acted by the gentlemen students of the Inner Temple in<br />

the January of 1562, was performed again at court some days later before the Queen herself. Norton (1532-84) is<br />

believed to have contributed the first three acts, Sackville (1536-1608) the last two, but what particularly marks the<br />

play is its consistently high-toned exploration of the roots of political decay. Its story, derived from Geofrey of<br />

Monmouth’s fanciful history of the descendants of the Trojan Brutus, considers the end of the dynasty brought about<br />

by the follies of the old and the jealousies of the young (its parallels to King Lear, written some forty years later,<br />

would have been evident to Shakespeare’s first audiences). As the play’s chorus pre-emptively insists at the end of its<br />

first act, its action could provide ‘A myrrour ... to princes all | To learne to shunne the cause of suche a fall’. At its<br />

end, the dead King Gorboduc’s counsellor, Eubulus, is given a speech of some ninety-nine lines which mourns the<br />

loss of national unity and civil order and insists, with unashamed anachronism, that a proper way forward should<br />

have been the summons of a Parliament that would have appointed royal heirs ‘To stay the title of established right, |<br />

And in the people plant obedience | While yet the prince did live’. It was a warning that was doubtless clear both to an<br />

audience of<br />

[p. 106]<br />

lawyers and to the court of an unmarried Queen. The achievement of Gorboduc is not merely political and monitory.<br />

The play’s effects depend on the steady, intelligent, and dramatic development of its theme and on its spectacle. Each<br />

of the acts is introduced by a dumb-show; in the first, accompanied by ‘the musicke of violence’, six wild men act out<br />

a demonstration of the dangers of disunity; in the fourth, the ‘musicke of howboies’ introduces three Furies in black<br />

who drive before them a king and a queen ‘who had slaine their owne children’; in the last, ‘drommes and fluites’ are<br />

succeeded by armed men ‘in order of battaile’ who march about and (again anachronistically) noisily discharge their<br />

firearms. Despite the presence of what might strike a twentieth-century reader as an excess of both pomp and<br />

pomposity, the text of Gorboduc can be seen as setting a standard against which later Elizabethan dramatists had to<br />

measure their theatrical ambitions.<br />

The Defence and the Practice of Poetry: Puttenham and the Sidneys<br />

The two most articulate and acute Elizabethan critics of poetry, George Puttenham (?1529-91) and Sir Philip Sidney<br />

(1554-86), recognized that they were confronting a crisis in English writing. Puttenham’s The Arte of English Poesie<br />

(1589) and Sidney’s The Defence of Poesie (1595) endeavour to trace a poetic tradition which embraces the work of<br />

the ancient and of selected vernacular poets and they attempt to define a way forward by offering prescriptive<br />

definitions. Both men confidently press the case for poetry as the foremost of the human arts and they suggest that its<br />

new European refinement ought to be taken as the gauge of true civilization. For Sidney, taking a broad retrospect,<br />

‘neyther Phylosopher nor Historiographer coulde at the first have entred into the gates of populer judgements, if they<br />

had not taken a great Pasport of Poetry, which in all Nations at this day, wher learning florisheth not, is plaine to be<br />

seene, in all which they have some feeling of Poetry’. Poetry, even amongst the marginalized cultures on the fringes<br />

of Europe, had always, he insists, acted as the great communicator, and it was, from the first, the encourager of<br />

learning. In glancing at those lands where ‘learning florisheth not’, Sidney notes that in benighted Turkey ‘besides<br />

their lawe-giving Divines, they have no other Writers but Poets’ and that even in Ireland (‘where truelie learning<br />

goeth very bare’) poets are held ‘in a devoute reverence’ (though he also later recalls the story that Irish bards could<br />

rhyme their victims to death by placing poetical curses on them). For modern England, laying claim to membership of<br />

the exclusive club of ‘learned’ nations, the honour it accorded to its poets should be seen as the touchstone of its<br />

modern sophistication, even though, as Sidney feels constrained to admit, ‘since our erected wit maketh us know what<br />

perfection is ... yet our infected will keepeth us from reaching it’.<br />

Like Sidney’s Defence, Puttenham’s The Arte of English Poesie is generally<br />

[p. 107]<br />

assumed to have been circulated in manuscript for some time before it finally appeared in print. Puttenham, a nephew<br />

of Sir Thomas Elyot, shared with his uncle a conviction of the cultural centrality and proper eminence of the<br />

cultivated courtier. His treatise, in three books, returns again and again to the notion of the enhancement of the

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