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THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

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taken as indicative of honest geniality.<br />

By the late 1690s, what the Victorian historian, Macaulay, later saw as the ‘hard-heartedness’ of ‘Restoration’<br />

comedy was melting under the sun of benevolence. It was a form initially evolved to divert a jaded elite and to reflect<br />

on their manners and morals (or their spectacular lack of the latter). It was a form<br />

[p. 272]<br />

that flourished both because of the accuracy of the reflection and because of the cultivated artificiality of high society<br />

and the stage alike. When Dryden claimed that the new ‘refinement’ of conversation was a direct result of the<br />

influence of Charles II and his court, he was in part thinking of the new ‘naturalism’ of the stage. The King, he<br />

argued, had ‘awakened the dull and heavy spirits of the English from their natural reservedness’ and had loosened<br />

‘their stiff forms of conversation, and made them easy and pliant to each other in discourse’. The ‘wit’ of the period<br />

certainly follows the lead of the court in its ‘hard-heartedness’. It is in part a revolution against moral seriousness and<br />

the kind of piety that is worn on the sleeve, in part an echo of a new respect for clarity and reason. The world of the<br />

seventeenth century had been turned upside down; crowns and mitres had been knocked off heads only to be restored<br />

in a world that looked more cynically and questioningly at all forms of authority. Many of the private convictions<br />

which had been revolutionary in the 1640s seemed reactionary in the 1680s. The drama of the ‘Restoration’ period<br />

ought, however, to be seen as an essential element in the literature of a revolutionary age. Unlike much of its satirical<br />

poetry the comedies of the last forty years of the seventeenth century have retained an immediacy, a subversiveness,<br />

and an ability to provoke the prejudices of audiences. If scarcely revolutionary in themselves, the plays of the period<br />

are a response to revolution and to the seventeenth century's experimental reversal of values. The comedies do not<br />

offer anything so pretentious as redefinitions but they do continue to irritate and laugh audiences into reaching out for<br />

definitions.<br />

[end of Chapter 4]<br />

[Andrew SANDERS: The Short Oxford History of English Literature, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1994]<br />

[p. 273]<br />

5<br />

Eighteenth-Century Literature 1690-1780<br />

ALEXANDER POPE’s epitaph for the monument erected to the memory of Sir Isaac Newton in Westminster Abbey in<br />

1731 succinctly proclaims the extraordinary intellectual virtue of the greatest scientific innovator of the age. A Latin<br />

inscription witnesses to Newton’s immortality, an immortality triply safeguarded by Time, Nature, and Heaven; a<br />

couplet in English, the sublime confidence of which has served to provoke later generations, unequivocally asserts<br />

that the systematized vision which he offered was divinely inspired. ‘Nature and Nature’s Laws lay hid in Night. |<br />

God said, Let Newton be! and All was Light.’ Pope’s epitaph is more than a personal tribute to a great man; it is a<br />

public statement displayed in a much frequented national church which sums up the gratitude of a proud civilization.<br />

Newton (1642-1727), ‘the Miracle of the present Age’ as Joseph Addison called him, had given his eighteenthcentury<br />

heirs a carefully reasoned theoretical framework on which a whole range of additional theories could be hung.<br />

His Principia of 1687 and his Opticks of 1704 suggested that there were indeed intelligible laws in nature which<br />

could be demonstrated by physics and mathematics, and, moreover, that the universe exhibited a magnificent<br />

symmetry and a mechanical certainty. This universe, Newton had declared, could not have arisen ‘out of a Chaos by<br />

the mere Laws of Nature’; such a ‘wonderful Uniformity in the Planetary System’ had to be the handiwork of an<br />

intelligent and benevolent Creator. To the many eighteenth-century propagators of Newton’s thought, the great could<br />

be related to the less the cosmic to the terrestrial, and the divine to the human by means of a properly tutored<br />

understanding of the natural scheme of things. By interpretation, Newton’s heavens declared that there was order,<br />

law, and indeed design in creation. Largely thanks to the propagandist work of the Royal Society in London and<br />

European-wide advances in astronomy, mathematics, mechanics, physics, and optics, natural philosophy had shed the<br />

taint of forbidden knowledge. Religious mystery could be enhanced, and sometimes even replaced, by rational wonder.<br />

The revolution in scientific thought begun by Copernicus 150 years earlier was to be fulfilled as popular<br />

enlightenment.

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