THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
Shakespeare’s Plays<br />
Politics and History<br />
For some 250 years after the deaths of the dramatists the plays of Shakespeare completely eclipsed those of Kyd and<br />
Marlowe. As has become increasingly evident, however, Shakespeare’s early tragedies and histories existed, and<br />
continue to exist, in a symbiotic relationship with those of his contemporaries. Kyd’s revenge dramas stimulated a<br />
public appetite to which Shakespeare responded with a sensational replay of Kyd’s themes and echoes of his rhetoric<br />
in Titus Andronicus (c. 1587, published 1594). Shakespeare’s professional rivalry with Marlowe was to be more<br />
intense and to prove more fertile. Some of Aaron’s speeches in Titus Andronicus distantly echo the cadences of<br />
Tamburlaine and, far less distantly, the malevolent gusto of Barabas. It was, however, with the first sequence of plays<br />
based on English history that Shakespeare found a distinctive voice and presented a considered riposte to the radical<br />
challenge posed by Marlowe. The ‘tiger-hearted’ Queen Margaret of the three parts of Henry VI (c. 1588-91), who<br />
learns to spit curses, to wheedle, and to fight, is also the mistress of the kind of flamboyant gesture that audiences<br />
might readily have associated with Marlowe’s male protagonists. It is she who so extravagantly insults the royal<br />
pretences of the captured Duke of York and his ‘mess of sons’ by putting a paper crown on his head and then<br />
knocking it off again to the words ‘Off with the crown and with the crown his head’. But it is one of these sons, the<br />
Gloucester whom she has characterized to his father as ‘that valiant crookback prodigy ... that with his grumbling<br />
voice | Was wont to cheer his dad in mutinies’, who as Richard III most menacingly outcapers Marlowe’s<br />
Machiavellian villains. If, as some critics believe, Edward II was Marlowe’s reply in historical kind, its moodiness<br />
and its exploration of the tragic dimension in the fall of a king were in turn to stimulate both the new departures and<br />
the plangency of Shakespeare’s Richard II (c. 1595, published 1597).<br />
Shakespeare’s two sequences of English historical plays (the three parts of Henry VI and Richard III; and Richard<br />
II, the two parts of Henry IV of c. 1596 and c. 1597, and Henry V of 1599) plus King John of c. 1595 and Henry VIII<br />
of c. 1612-<br />
[p. 151]<br />
13, reinvent the myths, memories, and constructions of recent history which had so preoccupied Tudor historians.<br />
They explored divisions, depositions, usurpations, and civil wars, but they also bolstered the concept of secure<br />
monarchic government propagated by officially approved apologists for the Tudor dynasty. If the subject-matter of<br />
Richard II proved to be sufficiently contentious for the deposition scene to be omitted in the three editions published<br />
in the lifetime of Queen Elizabeth, and if in 1601 the Earl of Essex and his fellow conspirators recognized that a<br />
performance of the play might arouse support for their proposed coup d’état, such susceptibility served to prove how<br />
well Shakespeare had understood affairs of state. His history plays have continued to shape British perceptions of the<br />
national past and of nationhood. They remain political and patriotic statements of some potency (as Laurence<br />
Olivier’s cinematic reworking of Henry V proved at a crucial phase of the Second World War). The ten history plays<br />
are central to the conception of Shakespeare as a, perhaps the, national poet which began to emerge in the late<br />
seventeenth century. To Samuel Johnson, writing in the mid-1760s, the Henry IV plays seemed to mark the apogee of<br />
a certain kind of dramatic art. (‘Perhaps no author has ever in two plays afforded so much delight’). To English and<br />
European Romantic poets, from Keats, Browning, and Tennyson to Goethe, Hugo, and Pushkin, Shakespeare emerged<br />
as the key figure in the moulding of a particular national consciousness and the deviser of the model from which<br />
future national historical dramas could develop.<br />
In all, Shakespeare refers to England 247 times in his plays and to the English 143 times. It is scarcely surprising<br />
that the vast majority of these references should occur in the history plays (the intensely nationalistic King John, for<br />
example, mentions England no less than 43 times, Henry V 49 times, and Henry VIII 12 times). To many fond<br />
anthologists, the central statement of Shakespeare’s feeling for his homeland occurs in Richard II as the dying John of<br />
Gaunt feels himself ‘a prophet new-inspired’:<br />
This royal throne of kings, this sceptred isle,<br />
This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,<br />
This other Eden, demi-paradise,<br />
This fortress built by nature for herself<br />
Against infection and the hand of war,<br />
This happy breed of men, this little world,<br />
This precious stone set in the silver sea<br />
Which serves it in the office of a wall,