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THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

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and Dryden. No clear distinction between scientific and humanistic knowledge, or between specialist spheres of<br />

human enterprise, was drawn until late in the nineteenth century. In his confident The History of the Royal Society of<br />

London, begun as early as 1663 and published in 1667, Thomas Sprat (1635-1713) attempted to define the role of<br />

empirical thought in ‘this Learned and Inquisitive Age’ and to defend the record of the ‘Illustrious Company, which<br />

has already laid such excellent Foundations of so much good to Mankind’. ‘The increase of Experiments will be so far<br />

from hurting’, he insists, ‘that it will be many waies advantageous, above other Studies, to the wonted Courses of<br />

Education’. Natural Philosophy, Sprat maintained, was the key discipline of the new age; it both helped in the<br />

advance of industry and national prosperity and provided a reasoned prop to Anglican Christianity. Moreover, the<br />

very nature of pragmatic scientific enquiry was also antipathetic to the disruptive ‘passions, and madness of that<br />

dismal Age’ of the Civil War and the Republic.<br />

As a practical statesman of the 1640s and the 1660s, and a loyal servant of the Crown, Edward Hyde, Earl of<br />

Clarendon (1609-74) recognized in the Restoration settlement a judicious return to a balanced constitution of the state<br />

in which order stemmed from an Anglican monarch obedient to the law. Like<br />

[p. 252]<br />

Sprat, he believed that empiricism and pragmatism should be preferred to idealism and to the tunnel-vision so<br />

characteristic of much Puritan radicalism. In common with Sprat’s History of the Royal Society, Clarendon’s The<br />

True Historical Narrative of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (begun in 1646, completed during his second<br />

exile in 1671-4, published 1702-4) demonstrates the extent to which certain dominant and devout English thinkers<br />

had moved away from the conviction that the Day of Judgement was at hand. Their Histories are not concerned with<br />

eschatology or with the impulse to restore an earthly paradise but with the idea of progressive development. For Sprat,<br />

God’s purposes are revealed in the investigation of the laws of created nature. For Clarendon, the severe political<br />

disruptions of the mid-century provide monitory signals to the opening future and to those rebuilding the state<br />

according to historical principles. His History traces the breakdown of the institutions in which he most trusts and the<br />

progress of a ‘rebellion’ against duly ordained order. At its conclusion he briefly recognizes ‘the merciful hand of<br />

God’ in the ‘miraculous restoration of the Crown, and the Church, and the just rights of Parliament’ and he somewhat<br />

tentatively trusts that the providential process will continue: ‘no nation under heaven can ever be more happy if God<br />

shall be pleased to add establishment and perpetuity to the blessings he then restored.’ Although such royalist,<br />

conservative prejudices broadly determine the nature of his argument, he can be a sharp enough critic of those he once<br />

served or advised. Clarendon remains amongst the most observant of the many analysts of the character and policies<br />

of Charles I, praising real enough virtues and probing the all too disastrous shortcomings: ‘He was, if ever any, the<br />

most worthy of the title of an honest man; so great a lover of justice, that no temptation could dispose him to a<br />

wrongful action, except it was so disguised to him that he believed it to be just ... He was very punctual and regular in<br />

his devotions ... and was so severe an exactor of gravity and reverence in all mention of religion, that he could never<br />

endure any light or profane word, with what sharpness of wit soever it was covered ... His kingly virtues had some<br />

mixture and allay, that hindered them from shining in full lustre, and from producing those fruits they should have<br />

been attended with. He was not in his nature very bountiful, though he gave very much ... He was very fearless in his<br />

person; but, in his riper years not very enterprising. He had an excellent understanding, but was not confident enough<br />

of it; which made him oftentimes change his own opinion for a worse, and follow the advice of men that did not judge<br />

so well as himself.’ Although this last sentence expresses something of Clarendon’s own impatience with his<br />

sometime master’s inconsistency, he writes more in irritation than in anger. His clear, moderated, clausal style allows<br />

for an easy interplay of praise and dispraise, compliment and the withdrawal of compliment, statement and<br />

qualification. Clarendon’s works were presented by his heirs to the University of Oxford and from the considerable<br />

profits earned by the publication of the History a new printing-house, named for the historian, was constructed. These<br />

profits testify to the degree of esteem in which the weight of<br />

[p. 253]<br />

Clarendon’s opinions, his political assessments and, above all, his careful style were held by the generations that<br />

immediately succeeded him. They were generations that believed in the merits, principles, and inheritance of a very<br />

different revolution from that of the 1640s.<br />

The Poetry of the Restoration Period: Rochester and Dryden<br />

Charles I’s famously happy, faithful, and fruitful marriage was not mirrored by that of his eldest son. If the first

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