THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
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publicly hanged, drawn, and quartered at Charing Cross.<br />
Pepys is not merely the most celebrated of the seventeenth-century diarists, he is also the most vivid and the most<br />
entertaining; but he is by no means a unique phenomenon. His century saw an increase in autobiographical writing<br />
which has sometimes been vulgarly accredited to a rise in ‘bourgeois individualism’ and to a concomitant interest in<br />
self-analysis and individual experience. It was a form of self-expression open to both men and women and it was one<br />
that later led on to experiments with fictional first-person narratives (such as those of Daniel Defoe), but it was not<br />
necessarily one that was confined to an urban middle class. Pepys’s origins were certainly bourgeois, but his<br />
employment as Surveyor-General of the Admiralty victualling office opened up to him the world of court politics and<br />
aristocratic manners and his diary carefully records the distinctions between the tastes of ‘Citizens’ and those of the<br />
Restoration court. Two of the most avid chroniclers of themselves and their family connections, Lady Anne Clifford<br />
(1590-1676) and Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle (1623-73), stemmed from, and married into,<br />
distinguished aristocratic families. The stimulus to record details of the world as it impinged on the individual<br />
consciousness appears primarily to have been religious rather than social. If confined to the literate, it was generally a<br />
classless phenomenon. Contemporary diarists and autobiographers seek to catalogue examples of divine providence,<br />
to count personal blessings, and even to present their financial accounts for God’s scrutiny. Others recognize a<br />
pressing necessity to demonstrate the working-out of divine purpose in private and public history, either to prove the<br />
nature of new beginnings or to find evidence of the imminent end of time.<br />
Lucy Hutchinson (b. 1620), the wife of the regicide John Hutchinson,<br />
[p. 240]<br />
produced her Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson (published 1806) as a justification of her husband’s<br />
republican career and for the benefit of her children. Although she had contrived to save her husband’s life at the time<br />
of the Restoration by writing a penitent letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons, her private memoir is far<br />
removed from a mood of penitence. It offers a vivid, shrewd, and plainly expressed picture of the life of an influential<br />
Puritan family during the Civil War, with an autobiographical ‘Fragment’ added to it. Lucy Hutchinson’s account of<br />
herself suggests the innate strength and resourcefulness of a much-tried woman, one who in her young days ‘had a<br />
melancholy negligence both of herself and others, as if she neither affected to please others, nor took notice of<br />
anything before her ...’. This tendency to melancholy, perhaps the product of the severe limits imposed on women’s<br />
action in a patriarchal society, is briefly reflected in Margaret Cavendish’s A True Relation of my Birth, Breeding and<br />
Life which was added to the original edition of her stories Natures Pictures in 1656. Cavendish, who married the<br />
exiled Marquis (later Duke) of Newcastle in Paris in 1645, was a convinced royalist, a lady-in-waiting to Queen<br />
Henrietta Maria and, like her husband, an accomplished if essentially dilettante writer. She was, according to a<br />
distinctly unimpressed Pepys, known for the ‘antic ... extravagancies’ of her appearance and remarkable only for the<br />
commonplaces she expressed on a visit to the Royal Society. Her True Relation suggests a more vivid and self<br />
analytical character. She admits to being ‘dull, fearful and bashful’ in her youth, but the reverses of family<br />
circumstances during the Commonwealth rendered her, she proudly claims, ‘fortune-proof’; she sees herself in exile<br />
as passing her time ‘rather with scribbling than writing’; she had loved, she claims, ‘extraordinarily and constantly,<br />
yet not fondly, but soberly and observingly’. A far greater mixture of love and pride, self-criticism and self-projection<br />
marks the career of Lady Anne Clifford, by her two marriages Countess of Dorset and Countess of Pembroke. She was<br />
also, by right of succession, the heir to vast estates in the north of England. It was for these disputed rights that she<br />
fought against the browbeating of her first husband, the specious arguments of lawyers, and the bullying of King<br />
James I. Her tenaciousness is evident in the surviving portions of the diary that she kept for the years 1616, 1617, and<br />
1619 (published in 1923). In April 1617, for example, she records of her husband: ‘Sometimes I had fair words from<br />
him and sometimes foul, but I took all patiently, and did strive to give him as much assurance of my love as I could<br />
possibly, yet I told him that I would never part with Westrnoreland upon any condition whatever.’ Elsewhere she<br />
notes of the two great houses of which she was mistress by marriage that ‘the marble pillars of Knole in Kent and<br />
Wilton in Wiltshire were to me often times but the gay arbours of anguish’. Her diary also suggests the profound<br />
spiritual comfort she found in a disciplined Anglicanism and in an informed interest in literature. She refers to her<br />
reading of Chaucer and Sidney, but the range of her tastes is clearer in the Clifford family triptych, the ‘Great Picture’<br />
she had had painted of herself and her immediate kin in the 1640s, where she<br />
[p. 241]<br />
appears surrounded by a select library which includes volumes of St Augustine, Spenser, Jonson, Donne, and Herbert.<br />
Samuel Pepys’s diary covers the years 1660-9, breaking off on 31 May 1669 with a mournful reflection on ‘all the<br />
discomforts’ that would accompany what he had reason to believe was the onset of blindness. He neither went blind,<br />
nor began another diary. The surviving six-volume manuscript, written in the shorthand he had learned as an