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THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

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[p. 243]<br />

tion. Plainness and practicality later proved to be the keynotes of a new sensibility.<br />

Varieties of Religious Writing in the Restoration Period<br />

When Charles II was restored to his throne in 1660 the Church of England was restored with him. Despite the fact<br />

that he had taken the Presbyterian Covenant in 1650 in an attempt to secure the support of Scottish Protestants and<br />

had followed the leanings towards Roman Catholicism of the Stuart court in exile, Charles attempted to maintain a<br />

double policy of support for the national Church and its bishops as an ideal of religious toleration. His attempts were<br />

always awkward. In the ‘Declaration of Breda’, prudently published immediately before his restoration, Charles had<br />

pronounced ‘liberty to tender consciences’ in matters of religion and in his two later ‘Declarations of Indulgence’<br />

(1662, 1672) he reiterated the principle of tolerance towards Dissenters from the Church of England, both Roman and<br />

Protestant. Yet as ‘Defender of the Faith’ he faced sustained opposition to a policy of tolerance from an Anglican<br />

Parliament and from the newly reinstated and triumphalist bench of bishops. Both bodies were intent on enforcing<br />

uniformity in the guise of religious and social consolidation. The Corporation Act of 1661, for example, required all<br />

members of municipal corporations to declare that they had received the sacrament according to the rites of the state<br />

Church; the Act of Uniformity of 1662 reinforced the use of the Book of Common Prayer and required assent from all<br />

ordained ministers to its exclusive use; the Conventicle Act of 1664 declared illegal all dissident religious meetings in<br />

private houses; and finally the Test Act of 1673 required all holders of office under the Crown to conform to Anglican<br />

usages and beliefs. The one glory of these otherwise repressive Acts of Parliament was the final revision of the Book<br />

of Common Prayer. Apart from its lectionary based on the 1611 translation of the Bible and a new service in solemn<br />

commemoration of the ‘martyred’ Charles I (abandoned only in 1859), the 1662 Prayer Book confirmed the uses,<br />

translations, traditions, and innovations gradually evolved from historic sources since the time of Cranmer. It<br />

remained the unchallenged pillar of Anglican worship until the abortive, but essentially conservative, attempts at<br />

reform in 1928 and until the introduction of the flat, flabby, but arguably more flexible, ‘Alternative Service Book’ in<br />

1965.<br />

The imposition of the conditions of the Act of Uniformity on St Bartholomew’s Day 1662 reminded one<br />

distinguished Puritan divine, Richard Baxter (1615-91), of the infamous massacre of Protestants in Paris in 1572.<br />

Baxter estimates in his memoirs, Reliquiae Baxterianae (1696), that some two thousand non-conforming ministers<br />

‘were silenced and cast out’ by being deprived of their parishes and pulpits. The effects of Carolean legislation<br />

moulded the distinctive early radicalism of Nonconformity. They did more than confirm<br />

[p. 244]<br />

that English religious affairs were plural rather than uniform; they ultimately determined the nature and future role of<br />

dissent in British political life. Although Baxter had been appointed to a royal chaplaincy in 1660 and had been<br />

offered, but had declined, the bishopric of Hereford, he felt that he could conform neither to the definitions of the<br />

Prayer Book nor to the traditional conception of the rule of bishops in the Church. Baxter, who had been distressed by<br />

the sectarian schisms within Cromwell’s army, was no proponent of narrow definitions or of theological nit-picking;<br />

he was, rather, an early advocate of basic ecumenism, a multiform union of Christian believers regardless of credal<br />

distinction. His benign influence ran through English Nonconformist thought in the eighteenth century and bore a<br />

hybrid fruit in the religious ideas of his Anglican admirer, Coleridge, in the nineteenth century. Baxter’s moderate,<br />

reasonable ecumenical strain, one which he types in his autobiography as an inclination to ‘reconciling principles’, is<br />

evident both in his life and work. It had determined his deep suspicion of Cromwell’s civil and religious policies and<br />

his distaste for fragmentary and disputatious Puritan sects; it also moulded his devotional writings, in particular, his<br />

once vastly popular treatise The Saints’ Everlasting Rest (1650). In this treatise he writes of the operation of grace on<br />

the individual as a reasonable process, not as one of sudden inspiration or irrational personal conviction: ‘Whatever<br />

the soul of man doth entertain must make its first entrance at the understanding; which must be satisfied first of its<br />

truth, and secondly of its goodness, before it find further admittance. If this porter be negligent, it will admit of<br />

anything that bears but the face of truth and goodness ...’ Baxter is scarcely a coldly dispassionate writer, as his tribute<br />

to his dead wife A Breviate of the Life of Margaret Baxter written ‘under the power of melting grief’ in 1681 amply<br />

demonstrates, but his memoirs consistently point to the importance of temperate thoughtfulness. The battles over<br />

episcopacy in the reigns of both Charles I and Charles II were, he suggests, lost and won (depending on which side<br />

the arguer stood) due to an ignorance of the spirit of reconciliation and a rejection of ‘true moderate healing terms ...<br />

by them that stand on the higher ground, though accepted by them that are lower and cannot have what they will’.

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