THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
THE SHORT OXFORD HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
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inappropriate to a history of ‘English’ literature. I have included Irish, Scottish, and Welsh writers not out of imperial<br />
arrogance or ignorance but because certain Irish, Scottish, and Welsh writers cannot easily be separated from the<br />
English tradition or from the broad sense of an English literature which once embraced regional, provincial, and other<br />
national traditions within the British Isles. It is proper, for example, to see Yeats as an Anglo-Irish poet, but to what<br />
extent can we see Shaw exclusively as an Anglo-Irish dramatist? Joyce and Beckett, it is true, deliberately avoided<br />
England as a place of exile from Ireland, but how readily can Burke, Goldsmith, Wilde, George Moore, Bram Stoker,<br />
or Louis MacNeice be taken out of the English contexts they chose for themselves? And how could the history of<br />
English literature in the eighteenth century be written without due reference to Swift? It is right to abandon the term<br />
‘Scottish Chaucerian’ to describe Henryson and Dunbar and to allow that both should be seen as distinctive Scots<br />
poets working in Scotland in a loose Chaucerian tradition. But how far can we take the idea that James Thomson is a<br />
distinctively Scottish poet who happened to work in England in a loose Miltonic tradition? It is essential to recognize<br />
the Welshness of Dylan Thomas, but it is rather harder to put one’s finger on the Welshness of Henry Vaughan. This<br />
[p. 15]<br />
History has also included certain English writers who wrote in Latin and others whose origins were not English, let<br />
alone British or Irish, whose work seems to have been primarily intended to associate them with a British market and<br />
with an English literary tradition. Conrad and T. S. Eliot, who are included, took British citizenship in mid-career<br />
and accepted that their writing was ‘English’ in the narrow sense of the term. On the other hand, Henry James, who is<br />
excluded, took British citizenship only at the close of his life and when his writing career was effectively over. Both<br />
Auden and Isherwood, who became citizens of the United States in the 1940s, have been included simply because it<br />
seems impossible to separate their most distinctive work from the British context in which it was written. The<br />
situations of Conrad, Eliot, James, Auden, and Isherwood are in certain ways exemplary of what has happened to<br />
English literature in the twentieth century. It is both English and it is not. It is both British and it is not. What really<br />
matters is that English literature, rather than being confined to an insular Poets’ Corner, now belongs in and to a<br />
wider world.<br />
[Andrew SANDERS: The Short Oxford History of English Literature, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1994]<br />
[p. 16]<br />
1<br />
Old English Literature<br />
<strong>THE</strong> term ‘Old English’ was invented as a patriotic and philological convenience. The more familiar term ‘Anglo-<br />
Saxon’ has a far older pedigree. ‘Old English’ implied that there was a cultural continuity between the England of the<br />
sixth century and the England of the nineteenth century (when German, and later British, philologists determined that<br />
there had been phases in the development of the English language which they described as ‘Old’, ‘Middle’, and<br />
‘Modern’). ‘Anglo-Saxon’ had, on the other hand, come to suggest a culture distinct from that of modern England,<br />
one which might be pejoratively linked to the overtones of ‘Sassenach’ (Saxon), a word long thrown back by angry<br />
Celts at English invaders and English cultural imperialists. In 1871 Henry Sweet, the pioneer Oxford phonetician and<br />
Anglicist, insisted in his edition of one of King Alfred’s translations that he was going to use ‘Old English’ to denote<br />
‘the unmixed, inflectional state of the English language, commonly known by the barbarous and unmeaning title of<br />
“Anglo-Saxon”’. A thousand years earlier, King Alfred himself had referred to the tongue which he spoke and in<br />
which he wrote as ‘englisc’. It was the language of the people he ruled, the inhabitants of Wessex who formed part of<br />
a larger English nation. That nation, which occupied most of the ferale arable land in the southern part of the island<br />
of Britain, was united by its Christian religion, by its traditions, and by a form of speech which, despite wide regional<br />
varieties of dialect, was already distinct from the ‘Saxon’ of the continental Germans. From the thirteenth century<br />
onwards, however, Alfred’s ‘English’ gradually became incomprehensible to the vast majority of the Englishspeaking<br />
descendants of those same Anglo-Saxons. Scholars and divines of the Renaissance period may have revived<br />
interest in the study of Old English texts in the hope of proving that England had traditions in Church and State<br />
which distinguished it from the rest of Europe. Nineteenth-century philologists, like Sweet, may have helped to lay<br />
the foundations of all modern textual and linguistic research, and most British students of English literature may have<br />
been obliged, until relatively recently, to acquire some kind of mastery of the earliest written form of their language,<br />
but