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3 rd person series developed from a demonstrative. This paper provides the first account of pronoun development in endangeredMao languages and challenges unidirectionality in grammaticalization.Byron Ahn (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 17Deriving subject-oriented reflexivityI focus on two puzzles concerning subject-oriented reflexivity (SOR): first, why subjects are relevant for binding, and second,why some subjects (e.g. passive-subjects) are not possible binders. I argue that both puzzles are solved by a Reflexive Voice 0which attracts anaphors to its specifier, and which encodes a semantic function that co-identifies the anaphor-specifier and the NPmerged next (i.e. the subject at the phase edge). Moreover, since Reflexive and Passive Voice 0 s are in complementarydistribution, passive-subjects cannot participate in SOR. Additionally, I provide evidence from English implicating all languagesgrammatically encode SOR, even when not (morphologically) apparent.Adam Albright (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 47Youngah Do (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)Featural overlap facilitates learning of phonological alternationsAlternations like p~f and t~s provide two kinds of information: certain segments (p~f) and certain features (continuancy)alternate. Grammatical frameworks generally encode alternations using features, predicting that evidence about one alternationmay facilitate learning featurally overlapping alternations. We ran an Artificial Grammar experiment, exposing subjects tovoicing and continuancy alternations at different frequencies for different segments (3 p~b, 13 t~d; 6 p~f, 3 t~s). In a memorytask, subjects preferred frequent segmental alternations (t~d, p~f). However, in a generalization task, subjects systematicallypreferred voicing alternations, even for infrequent p~b. We model this with feature-based faithfulness constraints in a maxentmodel.Blake Allen (University of British Columbia) Session 28Masaki Noguchi (University of British Columbia)The phonological availability of vowel sonority: evidence from Japanese accent shift judgmentsAlthough it is generally accepted that phonetic information contributes to the construction of a learner’s phonology, thephonological availability and theoretical necessity of vowel sonority remain disputed. By testing Standard Japanese speakers’intuitions about accent placement on adjacent vowel sequences in novel words, we not only demonstrate the use of vowel sonorityin such judgments, but also generate an empirically motivated vowel sonority hierarchy for the language. Our experimentaldesign avoids several factors described as confounds in previous experimental evaluations of phonological vowel sonority.Shanley Allen (University of Kaiserslautern) Session 96Ergative to accusative case in Northern Quebec Inuktitut?Inuktitut is described in grammars as having an ergative case marking system. In recent work based on elicitation data, Johns(2001, 2006) claims that accusative case-marking is replacing ergative case-marking as the default in some dialects of Inuktitut.We explore this claim in naturalistic corpus data (narratives and spontaneous speech) from both children and adults speakinganother dialect. Johns’s claim is largely substantiated in these naturalistic data: ergative structures were rare, particularly forclauses with third person subjects. Accusative structures, passives, and noun incorporation structures were commonly used intheir place.Yuliia Aloshycheva (The Ohio State University) Session 17"Why are they all reducing their /o/s?!": the sociolinguistics of (o) perception in UkraineWith Ukraine as a case study, I investigate how covert subjective regional attitudes play within the context of a single nationalcommunity that shares overt stereotypes. The matched-guise experiment with the subsequent mapping task, tested Ukrainians’perceptions of the socially stigmatized variant /o/ reduction. Unexpected results, such as pronounced differences in socialsensitivity towards the variable, emphasize the need to pay attention to locally situated values (e.g. Eckert 1988), and contribute tothe question of complexity of the relationship between different dialects, attitudes and their spatial representation.Patrícia Amaral (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) Session 85The Present Perfect in a contact varietyUsing both ethnographic and corpus data, this paper analyzes the properties of the Present Perfect in Barranquenho, a contact varietycurrently spoken by ca. 2,000 speakers in the southern border of Portugal and Spain. In Barranquenho, the Present Perfect displays a125