Jungmin Kang (University <strong>of</strong> Connecticut) Session 34Lyn Shan Tieu (University <strong>of</strong> Connecticut)Distinguishing negative polarity from concord in KoreanMany researchers assume that negation-sensitive elements like amwu-N-to and etten-N-to are negative polarity items (Sells & Kim,2006; Kim, 1999; Lee, 1995). As NPIs, they are rather peculiar; for example, amwu-N-to appears only to be licensed by sententialnegation, and must scope over negation. We observe that amwu-N-to patterns distinctly from etten-N-to in a number <strong>of</strong> respects. Wepropose a dual categorization <strong>of</strong> negative concord items in terms <strong>of</strong> (un)interpretable Neg features, which quite naturally derives theirdivergent distribution. Moreover, upon reanalysis, we see that these items fall very much in line with NCIs in languages such asSerbo-Croatian.Vsevolod Kapatsinski (University <strong>of</strong> Oregon) Session 6Hierarchical statistical inference and lexical diffusion <strong>of</strong> sound changeBybee (2001) suggests that reductive sound change is due to word repetition and begins in high-frequency words. As a result,Bybee predicts that the least reduced words should be the least frequent words. However, Bybee also notes that high-frequencywords are better able to resist analogical change, due to imperfect acquisition <strong>of</strong> low-frequency words. I implement thesecompeting pressures computationally and show that advanced articulatorily-driven sound changes are expected to show a U-shaped word frequency effect, with the most conservative words having intermediate usage frequencies. Novel predictions foreffects <strong>of</strong> phone type frequency and the word frequency distribution are derived.Ryan Kasak (Yale University) Session 95A reconstruction <strong>of</strong> verbs <strong>of</strong> motion in Proto-SiouanTaylor’s (1976) argues for a dipartite system <strong>of</strong> motion verbs that contrasts arrival verbs with non-arrival verbs and the direction<strong>of</strong> the agent in motion either hither or thither by using internal reconstruction and family-wide comparison. However, Dakotanlanguages distinguish three types <strong>of</strong> motion: departure, arrival, and progress. I show that the tripartite system is actually a pan-Siouan feature using data from Hidatsa, Mandan, and Catawba (Boyle 2007, Rudes 2007, Kasak 2011). I also posit a differentreconstruction for Proto-Siouan motion verbs and raise the question <strong>of</strong> whether a tripartite system is an areal feature or a Siouaninnovation.Reiko Kataoka (San Jose State University) Session 21Meghan Sumner (Stanford University)Prestige effect on perceptual learning <strong>of</strong> fronted /u/We used the perceptual learning paradigm to test the hypothesis that adult speakers have prestige bias in adapting topronunciation variations. Listeners were exposed to spoken words w<strong>here</strong>in the vowel /u/ was replaced by either fronted or backvariants, and speaker was assumed to be either a prestigious or a non-prestigious adult. The listener exhibited greater perceptualboundary shift with the prestigious than the non-prestigious model, supporting the hypothesis, and the bias operated both formagnitude <strong>of</strong> and conformity in learning. These findings have significant implications for theories <strong>of</strong> sound change, human socialbehavior, and speech perception.Robert Kennedy (University <strong>of</strong> California, Santa Barbara) Session 34TriplicationThis paper proposes that triplication, w<strong>here</strong> reduplication occurs twice sequentially to a stem, is found in Maori (Bauer 1993,Harlow 1991) and Tohono O’odham (Zepeda 1988, Hill & Zepeda 1992, Fitzgerald 2000). In both languages, three reduplicativetypes are observed, motivating an analysis with three reduplicative templates. This poses a problem for atemplatic theories <strong>of</strong>reduplication (Gafos 1998, Hendricks 1999, Kennedy 2008, Spaelti 1997, Urbanczyk 1996, Yu 2005), which allow no more thantwo reduplicant types. To address this, I argue that in each language, one <strong>of</strong> the surface patterns is actually triplication, obscuredby independently occurring phonological phenomena.Laura Kertz (Brown University) Session 8Variation in comparatives: new data in the degree(less) debateIt is well known that languages show considerable variety in the morphosyntactic expression <strong>of</strong> comparison. Recently it has beenproposed that the semantics <strong>of</strong> comparison may also vary, with some languages employing degree-based ‘explicit’ comparatives,while others rely only on positive form predicates to support ‘implicit’ comparison. We analyze comparison in Moro, an166
endangered language <strong>of</strong> Sudan, and show that while comparison is always implicit (structures are underspecified and <strong>of</strong>tenambiguous) one class <strong>of</strong> structures shows behaviors previously thought to be diagnostic <strong>of</strong> explicit comparison, prompting a reevaluation<strong>of</strong> those criteria and their grammatical significance.Laura Kertz (Brown University) Session 37Brendan Hainline (University <strong>of</strong> Chicago)Eliciting ‘ungrammatical’ ellipsesWe present results from a study investigating whether the syntactic category <strong>of</strong> a potential antecedent (nominal vs. verbal)influences the production <strong>of</strong> verbal anaphors. We asked whether participants would spontaneously produce verb phrase ellipseswhen supplied with a nominal antecedent prompt. Such structures, while documented in corpora, are ungrammatical according tomany licensing models. We found that while rates <strong>of</strong> VPE with nominal anaphors are low, they increase as the phonologicaloverlap between antecedent and target increases. However, a similar pattern was observed for pro-form anaphors, suggesting thatthe matching constraints on verbal anaphora are not specific to ellipsis.Greg Key (University <strong>of</strong> Arizona) Session 48Flavor fission in the causative/inchoative alternationEvidence from Turkish is presented that ‘flavor’ (Marantz 1997, Folli & Harley 2007) is a feature originating as part <strong>of</strong> thefeature bundle <strong>of</strong> little v. In some verbs, CAUSE and BECOME have independent exponence. The suffix –t in the causative verbalternates with the suffix –n in the inchoative verb, e.g., pis-le-t- filthy-v-CAUSE ‘get filthy’(tr.), and pis-le-n- filthy-v-BECOME‘get filthy’ (int.). These are argued to be cases <strong>of</strong> root-conditioned fission <strong>of</strong> the flavor feature, with the verbalizing morphemesunderspecified for flavor.Samuel Jay Keyser (Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology) Session 77Generative grammar at MITI came to MIT in 1961, joining the Research Laboratory <strong>of</strong> Electronics. From the beginning, the goal <strong>of</strong> linguistic research at MITwas to discover principles underlying the brain’s knowledge structure. In 1977, I became head <strong>of</strong> the new Department <strong>of</strong><strong>Linguistic</strong>s and Philosophy. Soon t<strong>here</strong>after, as government support for the department’s research program dried up, cognitivescience emerged as an independent discipline, and MIT’s Center for Cognitive Science was established. The Center broughttogether linguists, psycholinguists, acousticians, and computer scientists, though it (and psychology) disappeared when aDepartment <strong>of</strong> Brain and Cognitive Science was formed. Synergistic work is now needed to further the enterprise begun fiftyyears earlier.Naira Khan (Stanford University) Section 3Linear precedence and binding in BanglaLinear precedence has been empirically shown to play a role in syntactic phenomena such as co-reference and variable binding.However, formulations <strong>of</strong> Binding Conditions have discarded precedence for c-command, with linearization algorithmslinearizing at the level <strong>of</strong> PF. This paper shows that linear order is crucial for deriving binding relations in Indo-Aryan languagessuch as Bangla; and not only is c-command not relevant, it is actually problematic. I present empirical facts from Bangla to showthat linear precedence must be encoded in the syntax and can be formalized at the level <strong>of</strong> Merge.Marcin Kilarski (Adam Mickiewicz University) Session 76On the concrete nature <strong>of</strong> “exotic” languagesIn this paper, I examine an enduring parallel in the characterization <strong>of</strong> “exotic” languages between the 17th and the late 20thcentury as concrete and excessively elaborate. In particular, I focus on the diversity <strong>of</strong> evidence adduced from genetically andtypologically diverse languages, and its implications for the description <strong>of</strong> the languages and the cognitive and cultural properties<strong>of</strong> their speakers. The contribution <strong>of</strong> such views to the mainstream <strong>of</strong> linguistic and sociological thought demonstrates howstrong and general theoretical claims can be supported by diverse, frequently contradictory, and opportunistically assorted pieces<strong>of</strong> linguistic evidence.167
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evidence that Semitic languages ten
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LINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA MEETI