here - Linguistic Society of America

Mark Baltin (New York University) Session 3Rose-Marie Déchaine (University of British Columbia)Martina Wiltschko, University of British ColumbiaThe structural heterogeneity of pronounsA pervasive problem for proponents of the view that bound variables must be c-commanded by their antecedents is the existenceof donkey anaphora (term due originally to Geach (1962)), in which the c-command restriction obviously does not hold. Manytheorists have responded to this problem (Elbourne(2005), Barker & Shan(2006), and Barker (to appear)) by subsuming the twotypes of anaphora. We dispute this unification, finding cases in which various anaphoric forms can be used in donkey contextsbut cannot be used when the form is c-commanded by a quantificational antecedent. Our findings require the two phenomena tobe distinguished.Marlyse Baptista (University of Michigan) Session 86Susan Gelman (University of Michigan)Erica Beck (University of Michigan)Clancy Clements (Indiana University)Eric Russell (University of California, Davis)Cognitive processes in creole genesisCreoles typically develop in a multilingual setting, and as such are often viewed as emerging from the multiple grammars thatcontribute to their individual genesis. This panel evaluates competing and yet complementary theories of creole genesis whileexamining a set of cognitive processes at work in creole formation. We focus on the processes of restructuring, reanalysis,relexification and convergence, through the lens of three studies: copula and tense-aspect expression in Korlai Creole Portuguese(Clements), creole phonological restructuring in Tayo French Creole, Negerhollands and Haitian (Russell) and a psycholinguisticexperiment testing the convergence hypothesis in creole genesis (Baptista, Gelman & Beck).Dominika Baran (Duke University) Session 24Grammaticalization of shuo ‘to say’ as complementizer in Taiwan MandarinThe grammaticalization of SAY verbs as complementizers has been described in creoles (e.g. Lord 1993), African (Lord 1976) andAsian (e.g. Chappell 2008) languages, and African American English (Frajzyngier 1984, Rickford 1977). This paper presentsevidence of this process in Taiwan Mandarin. I argue that (1) the complementizer function of the verb shuo ‘to say’ is the productof local language contact, (2) that its grammaticalization has advanced further than in most other Mandarin varieties, and (3) thatspeakers distinguish between shuo meaning ‘to say’ and shuo as complementizer, as shown in a variation analysis of TaiwanMandarin phonetic features.Jena Barchas-Lichtenstein (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 91A three-way distinction in Garifuna quantifiersThis paper describes a three-way distinction in quantifiers using cardinal numbers in Garifuna, an Arawak language chieflyspoken in Belize and Honduras. Garifuna has a three-way distinction between cardinal ('three balls'; (1a)), conclusive ('all / thethree balls'; (1b)), and partitive ('three of the balls'; (1c) constructions; I describe these constructions in detail. (See Barchas-Lichtenstein 2012 for a general description of Garifuna quantifiers). This paper is based chiefly on primary data elicited fromBelizean and Honduran Garifuna speakers in New York and Los Angeles; secondary data is drawn from published sources andcolleagues' work with speakers in Belize.Jonathan Barnes (Boston University) Session 38Alejna Brugos (Boston University)Elizabeth Rosenstein (Boston University)Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)Nanette Veilleux (Simmons College)Segmental sources of variation in the timing of American English pitch accentsTiming patterns in intonation systems reflect at once the stability of tonal alignment known as Segmental Anchoring, andsignificant contextual variation, much still poorly understood. In many languages, for example, key F0 targets occur relativelyearlier in closed syllables than in open. We present here new English production data allowing derivation of this pattern frombroader, perceptually motivated generalizations involving rhyme sonority and segment duration. A quantitative model of these128