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A Greater Australia: Population, policies and governance - CEDA

A Greater Australia: Population, policies and governance - CEDA

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Section 4.1ConclusionThis chapter has considered the economic impact of population growth <strong>and</strong> migration.Not only should attention be focused on the “intensive” margin – that is the impacton per capita income <strong>and</strong> output – but consideration should also be given to the distributionof the benefits <strong>and</strong> costs between the resident population <strong>and</strong> the migrantsthemselves.While population growth is the result of natural increase <strong>and</strong> net overseas migration,the government’s potential policy levers really affect only the second flow. It is thereforefitting to emphasise the role of migration in driving population growth <strong>and</strong> affecting thecomposition of the population <strong>and</strong> the labour force.It is absolutely clear that countries with large populations <strong>and</strong> countries with smallpopulations can be equally prosperous. And more rapid population growth is not necessarilyassociated with higher per capita income growth. There are other importantfactors at play.For studies that use models with the assumption of constant returns-to-scale <strong>and</strong> thest<strong>and</strong>ard national accounting framework, a typical result is that the impact of populationgrowth via an increased migration intake is small, lagged <strong>and</strong> positive. Moreover,the gains largely accrue to the migrants, although the research of Docquier et al (2010)points to an increase in average wages across-the-board for <strong>Australia</strong>. In addition,some segments of the existing population can gain from immigration-driven populationgrowth (for example l<strong>and</strong> owners <strong>and</strong> developers, employers facing labour shortages<strong>and</strong> consumers of labour-intensive services).Interpreting the economic research on the impact of migration is made difficult becausethe nature of models, <strong>and</strong> the assumptions contained in them, can significantly affectthe answer to the question. As a consequence, there are reasons to rely on the researchabout the labour market impacts of migration that is subject to fewer qualifications. Wenote the importance of the distinction between migrant workers being either substitutesof or complements for local workers. The research in this area cannot be regarded assettled; however, the evidence suggests that migrant workers are complements for anumber of categories of local workers. Taking into account dem<strong>and</strong> at a macro level,real wages overall appear to rise with an increased migration intake.New theories about the economic impact of population growth <strong>and</strong> migration highlightthe importance of new ideas, the diffusion of those ideas <strong>and</strong> the benefits of large cities.By the same token, there are clearly offsetting costs associated with rapid populationgrowth <strong>and</strong> larger cities. Optimal <strong>policies</strong> to deal with this scenario are useful, but donot entirely remove the costs for incumbents. Many of these new theories are not highlyamenable to empirical research; they are interesting nonetheless.Overall, there is an argument, albeit not an overwhelmingly strong one, that a countrycan be well-served by implementing a measured migration program focused on skills.A <strong>Greater</strong> <strong>Australia</strong>: <strong>Population</strong>, Policies <strong>and</strong> Governance183

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