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A Greater Australia: Population, policies and governance - CEDA

A Greater Australia: Population, policies and governance - CEDA

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Section 1.3average productivity in agriculture, to the detriment of living st<strong>and</strong>ards. In this stylisedhistory, population increases would depress productivity until the marginal productivityof labour in agricultural was reduced to equality with the marginal productivity oflabour in manufacturing, at which point a manufacturing sector would appear, <strong>and</strong>absorb all further population increases. The expansion of the manufacturing sectorwould stave off further declines in marginal productivity. Nevertheless, the per capitaincome in the economy would still decrease with every increase in population, since theaverage productivity of labour in the ever exp<strong>and</strong>ing manufacturing is less than averageproductivity in the now stationary agricultural sector 36 . The upshot of this logic was thatthe Inquiry was tacit anti-populationist. But the Inquiry accepted as a parameter theimpossibility of stopping population increases, let alone reversing it.But a sense of possibility might have thrown some doubt of the inevitability of diminishingaverage products in the face of a larger population. Suppose <strong>Australia</strong>’s populationcould be transformed back to that of 1829: would it really be true that a populationof 65,000 would provide <strong>Australia</strong>ns a higher living st<strong>and</strong>ard than 65 million? Wasthere, indeed, any evidence of a Ricardian pressure on living st<strong>and</strong>ards while <strong>Australia</strong>’spopulation was growing 100 fold over the previous 100 years? Ricardian productivityeffects, it would seem, must have been balanced by Smithian effects. That inferenceprovided the context for the blooming of the concept of “optimum population” in<strong>Australia</strong>n policy debates in the inter-war years, a concept which turned on a contestbetween Smithian <strong>and</strong> Ricardian productivity effectsThis concept of optimum population supposed there was some unique populationlevel – the optimum – that would, in given circumstances, maximise any given country’soutput per head.There were two sources of this notion: Knut Wicksell (1851–1926) <strong>and</strong> Edwin Cannan(1861–1935).The notion of an optimum population had been first aired by the neoclassical economictheorist Wicksell, who, having thrown over the evangelical Christianity of his youth, hadadopted birth control as his religion. This new faith raised an economic question thatMalthusianism of classical economics could never ask. Under Malthusianism, populationwas endogenous; so no matter what technical conditions prevailed populationwould adjust until per capita income was such that net reproduction was zero. But ifpopulation could be controlled, then population could be a policy choice variable, <strong>and</strong>a “best” population that secured the largest per capita income could become a rationalgoal. In that regard, Wicksell’s work on “optimal scale” of the firm – the scale that wasnot too small or too large – was clearly suggestive of an optimal scale of an economy,<strong>and</strong> therefore of its population.But it was Edwin Cannan at the London School of Economics who had articulatedin 1920s the most distinct rationale for the existence of a unique per capita incomemaximisinglevel of population; its existence reflected the operation within an economyof both diminishing <strong>and</strong> increasing returns.As we have noticed, if returns were diminishing at all levels of population (the Ricardianeffect), then income per head evidently would rise with every reduction in population;<strong>and</strong> the optimum would be indefinitely small. But if returns were increasing with everyincrease in population (Smithian effects) then clearly income per head would rise withevery increase in population; <strong>and</strong> the optimum would be indefinitely large. But supposeat low levels of labour input, increases in labour reap productivity gains through makingpossible a Smithian “division of labour” or “specialisation”. But suppose also, that athigher levels of labour input these benefits of specialisation <strong>and</strong> co-operation will becounterweighed by the reduced productivity of labour (manifested in the burgeoningA <strong>Greater</strong> <strong>Australia</strong>: <strong>Population</strong>, Policies <strong>and</strong> Governance40

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